MALAYSIAN DAYAK CONGRESS (MDC) Articles Collection.

Malaysian Dayak Congress (MDC) is a political party in Malaysia representing the Dayak indigenous population. It is based in Sarawak state and is formed by supporters of the deregistered Parti Bangsa Dayak Sarawak. The MDC submitted the relevant documents for registration on 6 May 2005.

However, up until now, the party never received its status as legal political party's status in Malaysia from Registrar of Societies (ROS).

1.   (ARTICLE  1)

No nod for MDC

May 5, 06

The Malaysian Dayak Congress (MDC) will not be registered before the Sarawak election, its pro tem chairperson Nicholas Bawin said today. 

He told malaysiakini that this disappointing message was conveyed by Deputy Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak following a meeting in Putrajaya this morning. 

“He informed us that the party would not be registered before nomination day (May 9). It may be registered after the polls,” Bawin added. 

The application for registration was submitted about a year ago and Bawin and other party officials had lobbied through various channels in Kuala Lumpur. 

The state Barisan Nasional, especially the Dayak-based PRS and SPDP, have objected strongly to the registration on the ground it will split the Dayaks further. 

Bawin said Najib asked during the 40-minute meeting why they wanted to form MDC as it would split the community further politically. 

On Snap ticket 

He explained that the present Dayak-based parties were not performing and not looking after the interests of the community. 

Also the delegation were MDC pro tem deputy chairperson Dr Johnicol Rayong and an Orang Ulu lawyer Baru Bian. 

Bawin said Najib then informed them he would report to the Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi on their meeting today. 

"As the outcome of the meeting was not a postive one for us, we do not expect the MDC to be registered before the polls, maybe only after," Bawin said. 

Candidates proposed by MDC will now have to consider other options to contest - either as Independents or on Sarawak National Party (Snap) ticket. Former deputy chief minister Daniel Tajem who is expected to stand in Bukit Begunan and Bawin who will contest in Batang Ai are expected to use either Snap symbol or as Independents using a common symbol.

2.    (ARTICLE 2)

Malaysian Dayak Congress letter to Britian

Posted by: Jetty

Briefing to House of Lords

Representatives from the Dayak community of Sarawak should have been invited to attend abriefing at the House of Lords regarding the plight of the Malaysian Indians on 8 December 2008. After all, the plights of the Dayaks and Indians are almost the same.

British Conservative Shadow Minister for Education and a Member of the House of Lords, Baroness Verma of Leicester hosted the briefing on the plight of minority Indian rights of Malaysia. The briefing followed a letter written to the British Government by the Hindu Rights Action Force (HINDRAF) in November last year and later HINDRAF demonstrations to highlight their problems.

Purpose of the Briefing

Held at the House of Lords on behalf of the friends of minority communities in Malaysia, the purpose of the briefing was for members of the House of Lords and House of Commons to obtain a true picture on the plight of the ethnic minority Indian community in Malaysia.

Giving the briefing were the Director of Public Policy of Hindu American Foundation Ishani Chowdhury, Director of Centre for Public Policy Studies Malaysia Tricia Yeoh, Human Rights Advocate Malaysia P. Waythamoorthy and Editor of Malaysiakini K. Kabilan.

Dayak IS NOT invited to give any brief

It is sad that Malaysian Dayaks have not been invited to attend the briefing even though we wrote a letter to the British High Commission. In fact the protem secretary general of the yet-to-be registered Malaysian Dayak Congress (MDC) wrote a letter a month earlier than the HINDRAF, to the British High Commission.

Copies of the letter were sent to Foreign Minister, Minister of Home Affairs, Registrar of Societies and American Embassy regarding the gross injustices and discrimination by the authorities against the Dayaks who were once the British subjects before Sarawak, Sabah, Singapore and Malaya formed the federation of Malaysia on 16 September 1963. Our letter was apparently ignored as we did not organise “strikes to highlight our problems” as the Indians did or that we were/are a coward lot; or that we have become irrelevant.

Let me produce excerpts of the letter for all of us to see. (Full details of the letter are published in The Broken Shield – The Dayak Dilemma due to be out soon). The letter dated 18 October 2007 said: -

“We feel that we have the right to bring to the attention of Her Majesty Government, as our former colonial masters regarding our plight, hoping that Her Majesty can advise the Malaysian authorities to accord the Dayak community the privileges and rights as enshrined in the Inter-Governmental Committee (IGC) report and the Malaysian Agreement.

“Our customary rights over land, with the passing of amendments to the Land Code have been taken away from the Dayaks and are being given to rich businessmen or companies under the guise of Provisional Lease for the cultivation of oil palm in big scales. While other communities have progressed by leaps and bounds, the Dayaks have remained mired in the doldrums of poverty, little better, if at all, as they had been under the British tutelage. There is a difference, however, while the British Government guaranteed the rights to land held under customary laws, but in our present situation the opposite seems to operate adversely against the Dayak community.

“As if these discriminations are not enough, the Dayaks are not even allowed to form a party of their own to articulate their political, educational, cultural, economic and social aspirations. What Dayak-based parties they had in the past were being deregistered one by one – first the authorities deregistered Sarawak National Party (SNAP) and then Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak (PBDS) both on flimsiest reasons. The Dayaks who number about 60% of the State population are encouraged to be members of every political party by the BN leaders. This is a subtle way of ‘divide and rule’ community.

“Following the deregistration of PBDS in October 2004, some ex-PBDS members on 6 May 2005 submitted an application to registerMalaysian Dayak Congress (MDC).
After more than one year of submission, the application was rejected by the Registrar of Societies on 19 July 2006 under Article 7 (3) of the Societies Act giving reasons that MDC would be a potential threat to national security for its rejection.

“It is in this light that we the protem committee members and the Dayak community who were once Her Majesty’s subjects appeal to Her Majesty Government to put pressure on the Malaysian Government.”

Strange it may seem, the Indians have also taken a similar course of action against the British Government, except that they were more aggressive, more demanding and took their problems to the streets. So on 25 November 2007, they launched what is famously known as the HINDRAF (Hindu Rights Action Force) march to the British High Commission handing a note to Her Majesty Government.

Although the Dayaks have missed the first briefing, it is hoped that another briefing may be called specifically to hear the grouses of the Dayaks. Through this blog we appeal to the British High Commission to arrange for the protem committee members to meet any British leader, British MP, or staff of the High Commission so that the committee members can brief any one of them on the plight of the Dayaks. – The Broken Shield

3.   (ARTICLE 3)

Home Affairs Minister rejects MDC application

The Minister of Home Affairs has rejected the appeal of Malaysian Dayak Congress (MDC) to register it as a political party on grounds of security and public order.

In a letter dated 9 April 2008, signed by an official of the Ministry said that the Minister after a careful investigation and consideration has to reject the appeal to register Malaysian Dayak Congress.

“The appeal is rejected based on Section 7(3)(a) of the Societies Act 1966 on grounds that its registration can cause a threat to security and public order,” the official said in the letter.

However, if the applicants were still interested to pursue the MDC registration then they should submit a fresh application to the Registrar of Societies (ROS).

In revealing this today, Joseph Tawie, Protem Information Chief of Malaysian Dayak Congress said that the application to register MDC was submitted on 6 May 2004. The Registrar of Societies rejected it on security grounds under Section 7(3)(a) on 19 July 2006.

The protem committee on 12 August 2006 appealed against the decision of the Registrar to the Minister of Home Affairs.

“Now the Minister has rejected our appeal under the same Section,” said Tawie, who expressed deep regret over the decision of the minister.

Section 7 (3) says: “The Registrar shall refuse to register a local society where - (a) it appears to him that such local society is unlawful under the provisions of this Act or any other written law or is likely to be used for unlawful purposes or any purpose prejudicial to or incompatible with peace, welfare, security, public order, good order or morality in Malaysia;”

Tawie said the protem committee members will meet in the next few days whether to submit a fresh application or not.

But in the meantime two options are open to tens of thousands ex-PBDS members who have remained partyless since the deregistration of Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak (PBDS) on 21 October 2004. (Before its deregistration PBDS had nearly 200,000 members.)

One is for them to join Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) and the other is to join any of the existing parties in the State.

Personally, I will call on the ex-PBDS members to find a leader and in a group let us all join PKR, hoping that one day PKR together with DAP and PAS will form not only the State government of Sarawak, but also the Federal government.

Only with a change of government can we change laws that are harmful to the Natives. - The Broken Shield

4.   (ARTICLE  4)

Malaysian Dayak Congress to decide on party registration soon

Following a brief interview with BERNAMA yesterday, the following article was published in The New Straits Time Online, today 18 Jan 2009.

==========================================
By: Caroline Jackson, BERNAMA

KUCHING, Sun.: The pro-tem committee members of the yet-to-be-registered Malaysian Dayak Congress (MDC) will decide soon whether to make a fresh application to the Registrar of Societies (ROS), its protem information chief Joseph Tawie said.

He said, alternatively, party members, comprising former Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak PBDS) members who remained partyless, could join Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) or other political parties in the state.

“We (MDC) have received a number of invitations to join the opposition but we are still holding on as we have yet to decide on the next course of action,” he told Bernama today.

The Home Ministry, in a letter dated April 9 last year, rejected MDC’s appeal to be registered as a political party on grounds that its registration could pose a threat to security and public order.

The pro-tem committee members had appealed against the ROS’ decision to the Home Minister in August 2006, after an application to register the MDC, submitted on May 6, 2004, was rejected on July 19, 2006.

Following the deregistration of PBDS on Oct 21, 2004, many of its 200,000 members opted to join its offshoot, the Parti Rakyat Sarawak (PRS), a state Barisan Nasional (BN) component party while “tens of thousands ex-PBDS members remained partyless,” Tawie said.

In the May 2006 state election, MDC candidates had to contest under the opposition Sarawak National Party (SNAP) tickets as its registration could not be approved on time. ROS, meanwhile, advised the applicants to submit a fresh application if they were still interested to pursue the MDC registration.

New White Rajah

By John Doe

Salam Sejahtera, fellow Dignitaries of the Council, members of the New Parliament. As we convene for the First Inaugural Parliamentary Meeting for the Sovereign State of New Borneo, I'd like to first thank the Country of Malaysia for officially allowing our country to secure peaceful independence. Without which, today would not be possible.

I'd also like to congratulate all the peoples of Borneo for waiting so patiently till today for your kindness, and for having reinstated me, John Doe, as your New White Rajah. I feel deeply honored that that I was chosen to help lead your country into independence, and hope that during my short tenure of 5 years, I will be able to live up to the expectations of my ancestor, James Brooke.

For the Record, the Brooke Family was NOT a Colonizing Family. Anyone in Borneo will testify that the people insisted that the Brooke Family continued to stay, despite my family wanting to return to England. Fort Magherita shall be my official residence. And all UMNO offices shall be converted into a Dump-Site, out of severe “respect” for the Malaysian Government.

I would like to stress that I will only be serving this non-renewable-term of 5 years, after-which this position must be taken over by a local person. As first order of the day, let us peruse key points of the Constitution of New Borneo. The official name is to be called New Borneo. This is the original name of the island (unlike the Tanah Melayu crap). It comprises of 2 sovereign states of Sabah and Sarawak. I put forward the proposal to change the name from “Division 1”, “Division 2” and so on to a more inclusive name. Divisiveness is an UMNO trait, which we do not want to carry into this brand new country. Legislators, please note.

The official flower is the Rafflesia, and the official mascot will be the Orang Utan. Would Malaysia kindly note that you will have to remove your mascot, because there are NO known Orang Utans there on the Peninsular, other than the uncouth practice of delinquent and uneducated UMNO members who call each other such names. And you have merely borrowed our icon for your advertising purposes, when we remained under your colony. “Yes, You're Welcome”.

The new National Anthem is to be determined by the people. And it must not be a copy of “Terang Bulan” or “Mamula Moon”; which Negaraku is copied from. And the New National Anthem must not sound like some Military March as if Hitler was in-charge or something. Make sure it sounds better, and more romantic than “America the Beautiful”.

And now for housekeeping issues. Elections shall commence as soon as the new territories are drawn up. Each constituency shall comprise of circa 30,000 people give or take 20%. Unlike in Malaysia, where Putrajaya has 4,500, and Theresa Kok has 75,000 voters, all competing for the same voting power in Parliament. There shall be no such rubbish under New Borneo.

A new Oil Company called Borneo Petroleum Company (BPC) shall be responsible for all the oil procurement in this country. For the first 5 years under my tenure, 50% of all oil revenue will be equally distributed among the population regardless of race or creed. This new Drastic Economic Plan (DEP) is to ensure that poverty is completely eradicated once and for all. With the view that we catch up with the rest of the world. After-which, we will allow the forces of Laissez Faire take over. It will be a Free-Economy. There shall be no taxes for the next 20 years to spur creativity, businesses, and entrepreneurship. Foreign investors are however, still subject to Taxes, but this will in turn be fed directly for Healthcare purposes (see below).

The new currency shall be called the Borneo Dollar. It shall be pegged to the Singapore and Brunei Dollar, over a linear slope over the next 5 years. One thought just occurred to me though, with Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak out of the picture now, should Malaysia be renamed Malaya? Just a thought... just a thought...

ALL illegal logging shall be banned. Anyone so much as cut down a tree shall be Jailed. However, we will make tree-replanting compulsory, and the information shall be made public at all times. OSA, ISA, and so on, were dark chapters of our Colonized past. Never to be repeated. Sandakan, Kudat, KK, Miri, Bintulu, and Kuching shall be made Free Ports, and a new Naval Base will be set up in Lahad Datu to combat the terrorists streaming from the Sulu and Mindanao areas. On this note, I would like to stress that National Service will be in effect. And the Elite Forces shall be called “Borneo Rangers”; a Tribute to the past and Glorious “Sarawak Rangers”. Nepalese Gurkha's, SAS, and US Marines will be brought in to train the rookies.

I leave the locals to decide what to do with Bakun (the fiasco) Damn Dam. The Damn Bakun Dam has caused irreversible damage to the environment. Not to mention the amount of corruption. And the 10,000 People, whose homes the Malaysian Government destroyed. The second damn dam lies in Bario. Where it worked for only 5 minutes the first day it was built. This came at a staggering cost of RM14 million for a small Hydroelectric Damn Dam. This was 14 years ago, and the Kelabits who live there stil do not have electricity, other than personal Generator sets.

Fuel, by the way was RM8.50 per litre in 2005. This is ridicuous. Especially for a state which produces oil. No longer will fuel in New Borneo be 20% more expensive than the Peninsular. Fuel will remain at ONE Borneo Dollar per litre for the next 20 years. However, during this time, we shall also explore other sustanable fuel alternatives. Such as Solar, and harnessing Wave-Technology to generate electricity. Petroleum based cars shall also be replaced by Electric Cars soon. New Borneo will host the Largest Electric Car Manufacturers in the World.

Schools shall be completely free. And New Universities shall be setup, and we will import the best lecturers and teachers from Harvard, Cambridge, Oxford, and the likes of such Ivy League Schools. There will be NO marking-on-a-curve. However, if you fail three times, you will be expelled from the Education system. You, the people of Borneo will have to be strong. You will have to be brave. In a meritocratic country, there is no safety-net to save your butt. If you fail, you will fail. (The unemployed will have to register with the Department. They will be given temporary Food Vouchers, but they must also show that they have gone for interviews, at least twice a week.) There will also be free Healthcare. Again, doctors will be imported from the best Medical Research Centers from France, Japan, and so on.

On the issue of religion, there shall be NO official Religion in Borneo. Religion is a personal belief, and should stay that way. No Government Official shall impose his religion on others. No one shall use his “religiosity” to circumvent academic achievements. Civil Servants will be Civil SERVANTS. They shall never be Civil LORDS like those in Malaysia. Again, three warnings, and you will be fired. Every Civil SERVANT works FOR the Public. NOT the other way around. Just like different family members living under the same roof having different religion, we, the People of New Borneo shall too. Ketuanan anything is illegal in New Borneo.

As the third Largest Island in the world, we strive to be the third largest Economy in the world. In principle, with the immediate distribution of 50% oil revenues, New Borneo achieves First World Status Overnight. (ok, maybe we need to build a few more infrastructures to qualify)

New Borneo is not interested in building Phallic monuments. She wants progress. She wants a future, and she definitely does not want glorified Space Tourists prancing around town. You want to be a Space Tourist? Go pay for it yourself. Don't use government (aka the people's money) to do it. After all, they have Budget-Space-Tours now.

Final word, the words “Bumiputra”, “Ketuanan” and “Race”, with immediate effect are deemed “bad words”. On par with other “bad words” like FUCK, Pukimak, and so on. Use sparingly; preferably not at all.

Thank You Ladies and Gentlemen, please have a good rest. Much merriment is in store for you, and enjoy your new Found Freedom.

God Bless New Borneo


Signed John Doe

New White Rajah

Apa itu gerakan/haluan kiri??

Pada Forum Sosialisme tahun lepas(16Desember2007) yang dianjurkan oleh Parti Sosialis Malaysia(PSM),terdapat satu tajuk yang amat menarik & sesuai dibincangkan semula oleh para komrad sosialis, ia bertajuk “Apa Yang Tinggal Gerakan Kiri Di Malaysia Selepas Kejatuhan Tembok Berlin”. Speaker utama,iaitu president Parti Rakyat Malaysia Encik Hassan Karim telah mengemukakan pandangan beliau terhadap pertukaran ideologi sosialisme kembali ke asalnya,sementara itu,Pengerusi PSM Encik Nasir Hashim pula sebagai panel yang membangkang dan setuju perjuangan sosialisme mesti wujud.

Sebagai ahli pre-PRM,iaitu Parti Sosialis Rakyat Malaysia(PSRM)sebelum parti ini menggugurkan ideologi sosialisme,Encik Nasir keluar dari PRM bersama dengan komrad yang masih kukuhkan fahaman sosialisme dan menubuhkan PSM,selain melanjutkan memperjuang untuk rakyat yang diekspoitasi & ditindaskan oleh kerajaan kanan(rasisme) ,adakah PSM suatu legasi pejuang kiri utama Malaysia selepas PSRM yang dibubarkan?Ataupun PRM sekarang yang tidak lagi memeluki fahaman sosialisme itu masih layak dianggap sebagai pejuang kiri?

Berasaskan kertas yang ditulis Encik Hassan yang sama dengan tajuk perbentengan,saya ingin mengemukakan pandangan saya terhadap kertas ini.

Kiri - Nasionalisme Malaya
Perkataan “Kiri”(Left)yang amat bermakna dalam kamus ideologi dan sosialisme ini sebenarnya berasal dari Revolusi Perancis,bahawa semua wakil kongres yang duduk di arah kiri itu adalah radikal.Benarkah para sosialis sekarang kesemuanya adalah bersikap radikal?Tidak.Perkataan asal ini ialah maksud lama pada kurun-18 dan sosialisme masih belum wujud lagi ,selepas abad ke-19,kiri itu bermakna ideologi poilitik yang “ber-Progresif”di kalangan parti politik,kedudukan rakyat & persatuan.PRM yang ditubuh pada 50-an oleh majoritinya masyarakat Melayu yang dipimpini oleh Ahmad Boestamam itu yang merupakan parti Nasionalis Progresif,tetapi PRM ketika itu berfahaman kiri dan “nasionalisme” itu bukan perkataan sempit yang difahamkan oleh parti kiri Melayu-UMNO.Nasionalis Ahmad Boestaman itu sebelumya (pada era KMM)itu mungkin kepentingan terhadap orang Melayu sahaja, PRM adalah parti kiri pertama yang mengesyorkan nasionalis “Malayan”,iaitu tidak bersifat perkauman.

Cuba kita mengkaji sejarah Malaysia/Malaya yang sebenar(bukan versi kerajaan BN), parti politik perikatan yang bernama AMCJA-PUTERA merupakan pakatan parti politik kiri yang terdiri daripada parti kiri ,islamik & nasionalis itu telah ditubuh sejak 1947,ia merupakan perikatan politik yang terawal sekali berbanding dengan perikatan kanan yang ditubuhkan oleh UMNO-MCA-MIC pada 1955.Malangnya AMCJA-PUTERA dibubarkan disebabkan pemerintahan darurat yang kejam oleh penjajah British yang menindaskan parti politik kiri & anti-komunisme.

Tidak boleh dinafikan bahawa AMCJA-PUTERA adalan perikatan pertama sebenar yang tidak mengirakan bangsa,agama & status,ia adalan pakatan parti pogressif & pengasas gerakan kiri dalam sejarah Malaysia.UMNO itu sebenarnya feudalis yang tidak menyokong kemerdekaan dan diperintah oleh penjajah orang putih , kesian rakyat Malaysia ditipu selama 50 tahun oleh kerana sejarah yang ditulis oleh kerajaan parti perikatan kanan .

PAS, DAP, PKR - Demokrats
Kebanyakan orang mungkin akan keliru sama ada PAS,DAP & PKR itu berfahaman kiri ke atau tidak?PAS yang ditubuh pada 50-an adalah legasi Hizbul Muslimin yang merupakan parti islamik kiri.Pemimpin pertama dan tokoh PAS Dr Burhanuddin Helmi juga adalah tokoh fahaman kiri Malaysia.Selepas Revolusi Islamik Iran pada 1979 yang mengenggami dunia Islam ,ia mula dipimpini oleh para ulama yang berfahaman agama sampai kini, kes-kes seperti pertubuhan negara Islam & Hudud yang diutamakan oleh PAS adalah tidak patut kerana rakyat Malaysia terdiri dari pelbagai kaum & beragama bebas.Yang janji,PAS adalah parti democrat Islam sekarang,bukan parti sekular atau fundamentalis.

DAP semenjak diasingkan dari PAP berfahaman sosial-demokrat dan bukanya sosialisme,tetapi ia juga dianggap sebagai parti politik kiri yang mementingkan perkembangan politik di kalangan rakyat Malaysia,terutamanya demokrasi.Walau bagaimanapun,faham social-demokrat DAP semakin kabur,tidak semacam dengan apa yang dilihat di Eropah Utara(yang kerajaannya pernah dipimpin olah parti social-demokrat),DAP lebih mementingkan kemajuan ekonomi bebas dan kurang memerhatikan masalah sosial yang mendalam,ia boleh dikira sebagai parti demokrat atau sepatutnya-liberalisme.

PKR ditubuh pada 2003 selepas gabungan PRM yang nasionalis progresif dengan PKN yang nasionalis Melayu.Adakah PKR parti boleh dikira sebagai parti nasionalis progresif juga?Pandangan saya ialah mungkin ,kerana ahlinya terdiri daripada pelbagai kaum walaupun pimpinan asasnya diketuai orang Melayu.Lebih jelas dilihat ialah kemenangannya pada PRU-12 dan statusnya berkembang dari minority ke majority,ahli parlimen serta ahli DUNnya terdiri dari pelbagai kaum serta berlainan agama,dan parti politik-PSM & MDP bertanding dibawah tiket PKR.Tetapi,sama ada PKR itu berfahaman politik juga?Tidak. Ia boleh dianggap sebagai parti nasionalisme,atau parti yang lebih liberal sahaja.

UMNO dan MCA pula,tidak dinafikan bahawa selepas Partai Buruh dibubarkan,ahli kaum Cina yang banyak sekali telah menyertai MCA,sementara itu UMNO juga mempunyai ahli fahaman kiri yang kurang.Tetapi mereka tidak dapat menbuat apa-apa perubahan sekiranya mereka telah menyertai parti kanan & hanya berjuangan demi rakyat sendiri sahaja.Jadi,wajarkah mereka dianggap kiri & progresif?

PRM Tidak Lagi Bersifat Kiri
Encik Hassan mengatakan keguguran fahaman sosialisme tidak berkaitan dengan tembok Berlin yang jatuh pada 1989 & perbubaran USSR pada 1991.Yang pelik itu adalah kenapa ia tidak digugurkan pada 1986 selepas perbincangan PSRM tetapi pada tahun 1991? Adakah ini merupakan sesuatu kebetulan atau semuanya telah dirancangkan?

Mungkin PRM sudah berada dalam situasi yang kontradiksi selepas seluruh dunia pada masa itu anti-regim komunisme & mengadakan gerakan demokrasi di kalangan pekerja dan pelajar di Eropah Timur ketika itu. Selepas tembok Berlin jatuh,kesemua blok Komunisme yang memeluk apa yang dikata Sosialisme-tetapi Stalinisme itu jatuh seperti domino,PRM masih ada segelintir harapan lagi kerana Negara Sosialisme pertama USSR masih belum dijatuhkan.Inikah nasibnya sebagai sebuah Negara yang tidak lagi mementingkan kehidupan rakyat & ideology sosialisme,USSR bubar selepas berlakunya kes pemberontak yang dirancangkan oleh POLITBURO(Buro Politik).PSRM lega mengugurkan sosialisme saintifik atau dikenali sebagai Marxisme,fahaman terpenting di kalangan sosialis,dan balik ke pangkuan nasionalisme yang “so-called”progresif.

Memang benar politik kiri di Malaysia tidak berkaitan dengan keruntuhan Tembok Berlin & kejatuhan USSR,dan kenapa PSRM masih sudi mengugurkan sosialisme jika ia tidak berkaitan dengan aspek antarabangsa? PRM tidak berpihak dengan apa-apa komiti antarabangsa seperti Komintern atau China,tidak seperti PKM yang mematuhi arahan Komunis China & Partai Buruh yang akhirnya memeluk fahaman ultra-kiri iaitu Kultur Revolusi China.PRM ada jalannya sendiri,walaupun Fron Sosialis dibubarkan pada sekitar 60-an,ia masih merupakan parti kiri yang profesional selepas Partai Buruh dibubarkan,yang kurang itu mungkin parti tidak mengadakan reform dan “outdated”(bukan segi ideology tetapi management).
Bukan rakyat Malaysia menolak ideology sosialisme,seperti saya katakan sejarah Malaysia telah diubahsuai kepada suatu penipuan yang beranggap kiri & komunis itu adalah jahaman & terrorisme.Cuba kita lihat PKM,satu angkatan guerrilla yang dipimpini oleh Rashid Mahideen kesemuanya kaum Melayu,mereka memeluk fahaman komunisme yang berjuang mati apatah lagi sosialisme yang penting kepada rakyat dan ekonomi secara aman?

Ideologi sosialisme tidak “wide-spread”kepada kalangan masyarakat Melayu serta kaum lain secara betul dan dalam masa yang tepat,selepas ekonomik Malaysia berkembang,adakah sosialisme tidak berguna lagi dan merupakan ideologi “outdated”?Sekiranya ada rakyat yang miskin dan ditindas,gerakan kiri selalunya ada,sosialisme itu mesti ada!

Jadi,wajarkah sebuah parti yang asalnya fahaman kiri sosialisme(KMM sebelum itu barulah nasionalisme)mengugurkan sosialisme dianggap parti kiri?Wajarkah bendera partinya masih diwarnai merah yang bermaksud perjuangan rakyat & marhaen ?Wajarkah simbol banteng yang membawa lambang pekerja & gerakan kiri itu masih digunakan lagi?

Sosialisme Itu Kiri
Tiada luas atau sempit pada perkataan “kiri”ini,mulanya ia bersifat radikal,dan ia berunsur progresif dan selepas itu sosialisme.Hanya sosialis sahaja yang wajar menerima bahawa mereke ini “leftist”(orang kiri).Sosialisme yang orthodoks bukan fascisme atau nasional-socialisme yang ultra-kanan dan tidak berperimanusiaan,dan bukan sekadar radikal sahaja dan perjuangan darah yang tidak berhabis-habisan seperti komunisma.Sosialisme bela kepentingin rakyat jelata tidak membezakan kaum,teutamanya yang miskin,dan membawa makna “equality” dan “Justice” dalam ekonomik dan social,serta kemanusiaan,yang dikemukakan oleh sosialis Eropah pada abad 20-an yang mendeklamasikan Marxisme dan pandangan sosialisme yang lebih berperikemanusiaan.

Walaupun PRM pada masa sekarang telah mengugurkan fahaman sosialisme,tetapi apa yang mereka telah sumbang sebelum dan selepas merdeka dalam gerakan kiri ,membasmi kemiskinan serta mengetuai parti sosialisme lain,pekerja dan masyarakat yang status rendah,zaman kegemilangannya & sumbangannya tidak dapat dilupai.PRM yang berfahaman sosialisme kini telah lenyap dan tidak mempunyai ideology yang lebih bermakna selain apa yang dikata nasional progresif, kebanyakannya ahli pun telah bertukar posisi ke PKR,siapa yang telah gagal ?

Kewujudan Parti Sosialis Malaysia adalah sangat penting dan memberi harapan kepada gerakan kiri dan perjuangan rakyat dituruskan.Ideologi itu merupakan satu fahaman yang terdiri daripada social dan ekonomi,gerakan kiri tidak setentunya hanya berjuang demi sesuatu status,juga kekayaan dan hak kepunyaan rakyat secara aman dan demokrasi,bukan secara keganasan.Sebab itu dua ahli PSM telah dipilih oleh rakyat sebagai wakil mereka untuk berjuang demi hak asasi dan meningkatkan status kehidupan mereka.

Sosialisme tetap bentara gerakan kiri di Malaysia,malah di serata dunia juga,jika kesemuanya tidak kira apa fahaman progresif yang dianggapan kiri,apakah theori yang sebenarnya kiri?Lambang kiri sudah ditentukan sejak abad ke20,dan ia menjadi lambang yang bertentangan dengan apa yang mengugat & mengancami kehidupan & kepentingan setaraf di kalangan rakyat,kalau bukannya sosialisme,apa lagi?

Pengguna Jeti Kuala Baram Miri Terpaksa Berak Dalam Semak

http://sarawakupdate.com/home/10th-state-election/pengguna-jeti-kuala-baram-terpaksa-berak-dalam-babas/

Special Meeting Of Pastors & Church Leaders, Miri 15-11-2010

To All concerned Christians,

This Councillor Dennis Ngau Jok (younger brother of former SIB President Jok Wan) Telang Usan PBB Youth Chief is organising a special meeting of Pastors and Church leaders on Monday next week ie 15.11.2010 in Miri and Dennis is inviting the womaniser who is also SUPP's useless President George Chan to attend the meeting. 

George Chan & his latest 'Toy' an Orang Ulu lady. What happened to his Chinese 2nd wife the organist?

Will our men of God our shepherds ie our pastors and church leaders stand up firmly against the evils of BN! BN banned our importation of our bibles from Indonesia, banned our use of Allah, BN took our NCR lands etc NOW BN WANTS TO USE OUR PASTORS AND CHURCH LEADERS! Don't you think this is a humiliation and a disgrace to our God! 

Dennis's own Long Bedian SIB Church and longhouse is split bcos of his and Lihan Jok's BN/PBB politics,  so what role model is he and George Chan?! Please pass this on. Call our SIB President on this and most important of all, pray to our Almighty God for our guidance and protection in all this development.

 

Let's Fight Against the Forces Of Darkness
Received via email from Diew Yet

From http://sarawakheadhunter.blogspot.com/

Apsal ada pelajar islam kat dalam tu? (Sekolah Mubaligh Kristian Sarawak)

Sebab di Sarawak, orang Melayu boleh hidup sama dengan kaum lain seperti Cina, India dan tentu sekali semua kaum Dayak tak kira Iban ke, Bidayuh ke, Ulu ke. Kalau pergi ke food court boleh jumpa orang Melayu dalam kumpulan orang Dayak dan Cina dan sebaliknya. Orang India sini ramai boleh cakap Hokkien. Orang Melayu boleh bercakap Iban. Orang Cina boleh bercakap Sarawak dan Orang Dayak boleh bercakap macam orang Semenanjung. Sana orang tak heran dengan 1Malaysia sebab kitaorang dah hidup macam tu sejak dulu lagi. Sebab itu, sekolah mubaligh sekalipun ramai orang Melayu yang masuk sebab TIDAK ADA ISU. Cikgu sekolah tak paksa budak Melayu masuk Kristian atau sembah Jesus. Dan takde yang halang budak Melayu berpuasa atau menunaikan solat ataupun nak pakai songkok atau tudung. Sekolah mubaligh tu wujud dari masa zaman british dan sekolah sekolah ni kekal sehingga sekarang kerana dari dahulu lagi orang british mengajar SEMUA bangsa dan agama dalam pendidikan akademik, bukan keagamaan. Agama masing-masing adalah hak masing-masing. Bila British pergi, tradisi dikekalkan TETAPI diterapkan dengan sistem pendidikan kita sebab itu, sekolah mubaligh sekalipun ada surau dan kelas agama. Sebab itu orang Melayu Sarawak tak heran hantar anak2 mereka ke sekolah mubaligh.

Orang Sarawak kebanyakan lebih senang bila merantau ke luar Sarawak sebab kita biasa bercampur dengan orang yang berbeza agama dan bangsa. Orang Sarawak bekerja di Semenanjung boleh belajar cakap macam orang setempat dalam masa beberapa tahun sahaja. Tak kira la di Kelantan ke, Kedah ke, 'Ganu ke, Penang ke, Perlih ke, Johor ke. Semua diaorang belajar. Sampai makanan pun mereka adapt. TETAPI orang Semenanjung yang bekerja di Sarawak, nak makan pun pikir bersih tidak. Orang sini tak heran tengok warung satay duduk sebelah warung bak kut teh bang. Siap boleh order hantar sebelah lagi. SATAY hantar sebelah OK? Never the other way round sebab orang Cina pun tau respect orang Islam tak makan khinzir. Tapi yang Cina pun nak juga makan satay. Orang Melayu yang makan di warung satay tak muntah, tak kutuk pun apek makan bak kut teh. Dari segi bahasa, ada orang Semenanjung bertahun-tahun bekerja di Sarawak, ramai yang langsung tak reti cakap Sarawak ataupun menyesuaikan diri dengan keadaan di sini. Cakap dengan waiter pun guna bahasa semenanjung sebab katanya 'itulah Bahasa Malaysia' walaupun hakikatnya tak nak belajar sebab ego, sebab dia rasa Semenanjung Malaysia tu la Malaysia. Ye la...kan orang selalu kata Semenanjung Malaysia, Sabah dan Sarawak? Semenanjung tu tolak tepi, ambik Malaysia je.

Kes cikgu rotan budak sebab membawa nasi goreng bersosej babi ke sekolah adalah serius sebab ianya menyalahi hak budak itu dan juga ibu bapanya. Dia bukan orang Vietnam, bukan orang Thailand, bukan CINA PUN! He is a native Sarawakian! If he wants to eat pork in his school during his recess, selama sekolah itu bukan sekolah agama, THAT IS HIS RIGHT! Dia bukan Islam dan dia boleh makan. JADI kenapa rotan dia? 


OLD THOMIAN
Sarawak.

Perjanjian 20 Perkara Sabah/Sarawak

http://untreaty.un.org/unts/1_60000/21/36/00041791.pdf

Open letter to the Prime Minister Of Malaysia

1. It was reported that you had recently despatched your officers to investigate the dispute over 3,305 hectares of communal forests between the natives and a logging company which the natives claim to be their native customary rights land, situated between Sungai Sebangan and Sungai Sebuyau in Sarawak.
2. If this report is indeed true, then we are optimistic that only intervention from your goodself would resolve the matter amicably.

3. The situation has deteriorated badly and there is grave concern that it might escalate to violence and lives may be at risk. The latest development can be read here.

4. The logging company in question is Quality Concrete Holdings and one of its directors is Datuk Raziah Mahmud, the sister to the Chief Minister of Sarawak. She is making headlines today on the internet with an expose reporting that she had recently taken a loan of RM880,000 million from RHB Bank to finance a project of which its nature is still unknown.

5. The Iban, who are using their own bodies as the human shield of the blockade, are looking to you, their Prime Minister, to intervene and acknowledge their rights over their communal land.

6. While you’re at it, sir, perhaps you could also instruct your Minister of Natural Resources & Environment to look into the country’s worst ever environmental disaster happening a few miles away in the Rejang river. Perhaps you have not been informed about it as you have been busy with the Budget, but it really is a natural calamity of gigantic proportions which everybody in the Government is trying to sweep under the carpet.

7. YAB Prime Minister, please show us that you really mean what you say when you said you are the Prime Minister for all Malaysians because action speaks louder than words.

Thank you, sir.

PEOPLE FIRST, PERFORMANCE NOW.

Sincerely,

Nising Dani

Taken from – Nising Dani

KAPIT RESOLUTIONS 1962 – DAYAK TREATY FOR MALAYSIA

Written by gkm2020 – For and on behalf of Dayakbaru

General Introduction

I write this article in good faith for kind attention of all Dayak Ibans and other Dayak communities (Dayaklama and/or Dayakbaru) of Sarawak. We, Dayaks (Dayak Iban, Dayak Bidayuh and Dayak Orang Ulu), in Sarawak may not have 20 points like State of Sabah but we extremely have at least 21 points agreement prior to the formation of the “Federation of Malaysia”.

“Kapit Resolution 1962” was the key treaty and/or agreement mooted by the native Ibans with regard to the proposal of the “Federation of Malaysia” via the Malaysia Plan “Aum” 1962.

47 years of independence, Malaysia and/or the Federation of Malaya (promoted by UMNO) had failed to safeguard the natives’ rights and/or privileges and had also failed to accelerate efforts to improve the economics future of the natives in Sarawak.

Our history began here in 1962. The Ibans form the largest single group of the population and by far the largest native group.

Ibans are primarily country people and few take to town life. Although they are to be found throughout the country, nearly 75% of their total number live in the Second and Third Divisions.

Special Privileges for Natives Sarawak

Groups from all natives populations expressed a general desires;

a. The Head of State should be a native of Sarawak.

b. That special privileges should be given to the natives. They were extremely anxious that their position in the new Federation should be analogous to that of the Malays in the present Constitution of the Federation of Malaya.

c. There was a general agreement that economic development should be accelerated and increased attention paid to education, in particular reference to the needs of the natives;

d. That the land, forestry and agriculture should be subjected to be controlled by the State Government. Great emphasis was also laid on the need to safeguard customary rights and practices.

e. Customary land and other native rights should be protected.

General natives’ opinions toward the formation of “The Federation of Malaysia”

On a number of other points there are also some differences in opinions:

a. Some elements favor the arrangement that the Head of State of Sarawak should also be eligible to be the Head of the Federation of Malaysia, while others, a smaller element, favor a popularly elected of the Federation.

b. There were differences in attitude towards the acceptance of Islam as the national religions for Malaysia as a whole, and towards its particular application to Sarawak.

c. There were similar differences in attitude towards Malay as the national language for Malaysia as a whole and towards its application to Sarawak; and also as to official languages for Sarawak

d. There was conflict regarding the Constitutional allocation of the legislative powers between the Federal and the State Governments in the new Federation, to which is related the question of a formula for representation in the new Federal Parliament.

e. The immigration into Sarawak from other territories of the proposed Federation should be under the control of the State authorities. This springs from the fear that, on the establishment of “Malaysia”, the people of Malaya and Singapore in particular would migrate in large numbers to Sarawak to take advantage of the land and opportunities available, to the detriment of the people of Sarawak themselves. Coupled with this general anxiety, there is particular concern about the possible entry of undesirable elements from “outside”

f. There should also be no rapid change in the administrative arrangements affecting the daily life of the people or in such matters as taxation.

g. Rural development should be accelerated as it has been in the Federation of Malaya so that the general standard of living could be raised as soon as possible.

“Aum Kapit” Malaysia Plan 1962

“Aum” in Iban herein referred to as “conference”.

The most important single center of the Ibans is at Kapit in the Third Division. A conference (or “aum”) of 51 elected Chiefs (Pengarahs and Penghulus) had been held there on the 15th February, 1962, to discuss the proposals for a “Federation of Malaysia” set out in the Sarawak Government’s Paper.

KAPIT RESOLUTIONS 1962

The Iban conference @Aum reached their general agreement that the “scheme” should be supported, subject to certain conditions, and their resolutions  when the Cobbold Commission visited Kapit on the 19th March 1962.

The “Kapit Resolutions 1962” were as follows:

1. Head of Sarawak State: The Head of the State of Sarawak to be a native of Sarawak.

Some groups expressed a wish that he should be elected by the people. Some would like him to have the title of Rajah and to be an Iban.

In either case, it was held that he should be eligible, with the Heads of other States in the new Federation, for the post of Head of the Federations. One or two groups asked that, during the initial period, a British Governor should be retained.

2. Head of State of Malaysia: The Head of each State in the Federation of Malaysia to be eligible in due course to be the Head of the Federation of Malaysia.

Some Ibans asked that he should be given the title of President as the title Yang di-Pertuan Agong is Malay, and is not acceptable.

3. Tradition Custom: “Adat Lama” to remain under the control of the Government of the State of Sarawak as it has until to-day.

4. Sarawak Land: Land to be under the control of the State including the existing rights of the natives of Sarawak in such matters as land.

5. National language: There was some difference of opinion. Some groups suggested that there should be no national language; others wanted it to be Iban. Still others were willing to have Malay or Iban.

6. Official Language: English to remain the official language of the State of Sarawak and to continue to be one of the official languages of Malaysia.

There was agreement among groups that English should be retained either indefinitely or for at least fifteen (15) years as the official language, not only in Sarawak but in the new Federation as well. Some groups wished Iban as well as English to be an official language.

7. Religion: Freedom in religious worship

8. Federal Representation: There is to be adequate representation for Sarawak in the Federal Government.

A number of groups asked that this should be worked out on a combined population and areas basis and that, within the number of seats allocated to Sarawak in the House of Representatives, the Ibans should have equal representation with the Malays and the Chinese.

9. Native Employment: British officers to remain until replaced by properly qualified local people. Natives to have a fair share of Government employment.

10. Native Privileges and Status: Sarawak natives to enjoy the same status and privileges as Malays in Malaya.

11. Education: Education to be a Federal subject and to be equalized throughout Malaysia as soon as possible. Sarawak natives to have a fair share of overseas scholarships.

12. Medium of instruction in schools: English should be retained as the medium of instruction, but Iban should be taught as a subject.

13. Immigration: Immigration to remain under the control of the State of Sarawak.

14. State Powers: Powers reserved in the Constitution to a State may not be changed without the agreement of the State.

15. Development: Development in Sarawak to be accelerated.

16. Religion: Much emphasis was placed on the need for freedom of religion as there is at present, i.e., freedom to profess, practice and propagate any religion.

There was a general feeling that Sarawak should be a secular State and the suggestion was made that if Muslims were given assistance from Federal funds, other religions – Christianity was specially mentioned – should enjoy similar treatment.

17. Name of the new Federation: There was dislike of the name “MALAYSIA” and hope that some other name could be devised. Many alternatives were suggested.

18. Armed Forces: The Ibans are anxious to have a fair chance of service in the Federation’s armed forces.

19. Sarawak State: A number of groups wanted to be sure that they could have a separate Sarawak State flag – some mentioned the old Rajah’s flag – a State anthem and a National Day.

20. Self-Government: The Ibans had been looking forward to the self-government which had been promised to them, and the principal reason why they were ready, on conditions, to accept the Malaysia proposals, despite their uncertainties, was because they were confident that the British Government would not recommend the scheme if it was not going to be beneficial to them.

21.  Equal rights: Ibans wanted to be treated by the Malays as brothers, but not as the younger brothers. They were opposed to the idea that Sarawak should be treated as only one of 15 States in a Federation of Malaysia; they maintained that this would give her too small a voice in the new Federation’s affairs.

The 51 Chiefs at the conference together were said to represent some 112,000 Ibans out of a total population of nearly 238,000 and many delegations of Ibans who came before the Cobbold Commission teams at different centers in the Third Division confirmed that they supported the “Kapit Resolutions 1962”.

In a small number of cases a demand was made that they should either be accepted without alteration or that any changes should be made only after there had been opportunity for further discussion with the Iban people.

While the great majority of the Ibans in the Third Division who were in favor of the Malaysia plan took their stand on the “Kapit Resolutions 1962”, there were some groups who gave their full support to the “scheme” on the basis of the recommendations in the report of the Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Committee (MSCC).

Notes: The Sarawak MSCC Delegations in Singapore were represented by (3rd February 1962):

• Yeo Cheng Hoe – Leader
• Ong Kee Hui – Member
• Temenggong Jugah Ak Barieng – Member
• Pengarah Montegrai Ak Tugang – Member
• Dato Abang Haji Openg – Member
• Ling Beng Siew – Member
• James Wong – Member
• Remigius Durin Ak Nganau – Member

Other Desirable Provisions

Some felt that this was a desirable provision in a new venture about which they felt some doubts. Others suggested that it should apply only in certain circumstances such as:

a. A change of regime in Kuala Lumpur.

b. A change in the Federal Constitution which had not been accepted by Sarawak.

One group from the Baram River hotly opposed the creation of a Federation of Malaysia but recognized that the decision might go against them.

They insisted that, if this was so, certain conditions should be met. These were much the same as those set out in the “Kapit Resolutions 1962”, but went further in some respects and the group was not prepared to discuss any modification of them.

Right to withdraw from the new Federation

There was fear too that a large proportion of Sarawak’s revenue would be handed over to the Federal Government without a corresponding return in the shape of services to the people of Sarawak.

The question of the right to withdraw from the new Federation was raised with Sarawak MCSS at Kapit and elsewhere.

In certain circumstances there should be such a right at least for a period of five (5) years, and that this should be specifically stated in the Federal Constitution.

Conclusion

The Second Division Ibans were not represented at the “Aum Kapit” but most of the many groups supported the idea of Malaysia, though they asked for safeguards.

In many places, more especially in the more remote areas and in areas where the Ibans form a proportionately smaller section of the population, a feeling of general uncertainty was apparent.

The Ibans and others who had given the matter careful thought, that the “Kapit Resolutions 1962” had to be considered against a background of implicit trust in the British Government.

Political activity had been stimulated to an alarming degree by the “Malaysia” proposals and many Ibans were afraid that there might be violence not only between different races but between Ibans who supported the “Malaysia Plan” and those who opposed it.

Finally, the view was expressed by the Ibans in many centers that it was of great importance that a decision on Malaysia should be reached as soon as possible.

So, where are Ibans and other native Dayaks today? What is your general status?

If you failed to vote your rights, you failed to protect and/or defend your “Special Privileges”

AGI IDUP – AGI NGELABAN – CHANGE WE MUST…..Hoo…Haa…!!
From : http://dayakbaru.com/weblog08/2010/10/13/kapit-resolutions-1962-dayak-treaty-for-malaysia/

Revolusi Rusia tahun 1917

Tahun ini ialah ulangtahun ke-93 bagi salah satu peristiwa abad ke-20 yang paling penting dan paling mengharukan. Tetapi anda tidak akan menyedarinya dari mana-mana suratkhabar atau rancangan television. Revolusi di Rusia pada tahun 1917 adalah peristiwa yang dibenci oleh mereka yang mempertahankan sistem yang kita menghadapi setiap hari. Ini adalah kerana rakyat jelata telah mengambil kehidupan mereka ke dalam tangan sendiri.

Ahli-ahli sejarah yang membenci peristiwa ini mendakwa bahawa ia merupakan konspirasi oleh sebuah kumpulan kecil yang dikenali sebagai pihak Bolshevik. Tidak terdapat apa-apa yang lebih jauh dari kebenaran. Krisis sosial yang wujud pada masa itu bermakna bahawa rakyat tidak dapat berterusan dalam keadaan melarat seperti itu. Orang yang beberapa tahun sebelum itu mungkin tidak menghiraukan seseorang yang menjual suratkhabar Bolshevik kini menyedari sesuatu yang berbeza.

Untuk memenuhi tuntutan-tuntutan asas rakyat – makanan bagi para pekerja di bandar, pemberian tanah kepada kaum petani, pengakhiran serta-merta kepada peperangan – sudah pasti akan berlakunya revolusi. 

Bulan-bulan pergolakan yang bertumbuh telah meletus pada pagi 7hb November (25hb Oktober pada kalendar lama). Kumpulan-kumpulan pekerja, kadang-kala diiringi oleh askar-askar yang menyokong revolusi, telah menduduki stesen-stesen keretapi, stesen-stesen penjana kuasa, gudang-gudang senjata, bank-bank, pusat-pusat telefon dan kilang-kilang pencetak di seluruh Petrograd. Malah mereka di barisan hadapan yang mempertahankan sistem lama telah diubah oleh pergolakan popular.

Seorang wartawan Amerika Syarikat, Albert Rhys Williams, telah menghuraikan reaksi pihak askar yang bertanggungjawab untuk menghalang apa-apa pemberontakan. Mereka dikenali sebagai Pengawal Putih. “Mereka membuang topi, tali pinggang dan pedang. Tanda-tanda kehormatan kini menjadi tanda-tanda kemaluan dan kematian,” katanya Williams. “Seorang pegawai tentera yang menjumpai blaus di tempat menjemur baju menjadi sangat gembira. Seorang kapten yang menjumpai apron pemasak memakainya, menyelimuti tangannya dengan tepung dan, sudah putih dengan ketakutan, menjadi Pengawal Putih yang paling putih di seluruh Rusia.”

Satu-satunya tempat yang tidak tumbang kepada revolusi merupakan Istana Musim Sejuk, iaitu tempat tinggal bekas pemerintah Tsar. Ia kekal sehingga akhir hari. Rakyat terpaksa mengancamnya dengan meriam sebelum ia juga menyerah diri. Pertempuran yang lebih lama telah berlaku di Moskow, tetapi seluruh negara berada dalam tangan pihak revolusioner tidak lama selepas itu.

Pada hari selepas kebangkitan Petrograd, seorang revolusioner bernama Vladimir Lenin telah berucap kepada kongres wakil-wakil dari majlis-majlis pekerja yang telah diasaskan di seluruh Rusia. Ia dinamakan soviet-soviet. Wartawan Amerika Syarikat bernama John Reed telah menggambarkan “ombak sorakan” yang mengalu-alukan pemimpin ini “yang berpakaian baju tidak kemas, seluarnya terlalu panjang baginya. Tidak hebat untuk menjadi pujaan pergolakan, tetapi disayangi dan disanjung seperti hanya beberapa pemimpin dalam sejarah.”

Berita mengenai revolusi itu telah menyebar dengan pantas. Tidak terdapatnya television untuk menyampaikan gambar-gambar kuasa pekerja. Media massa dunia telah menciptakan penipuan dan pemesongan, dengan pengecualian beberapa wartawan yang ikhlas dan berani seperti John Reed. Tetapi mesej tersebut telah disampaikan.

Harry McShane, seorang pekerja kejuruteraan militan di Glasglow, mengingati:

Apabila Lenin menuntut “segala kuasa kepada soviet-soviet,” ia bermakna bahawa mereka telah menjumpai sistem pentadbiran sendiri oleh kelas pekerja melalui mana susunan lama telah dihapuskan. Kami bermula menyedari apa yang dimaksudkan oleh revolusi. Kami dahulunya hanya mengenali pemberontakan kelas pekerja. Kini kami membincangkan kuasa kelas pekerja.

Pada permulaan tahun 1917, Rusia telah berperang selamsa dua setengah tahun. Kerajaan Tsar yang korupse dan tidak cekap tidak lagi dapat menangani tekanan bertempur menentang negara-negara yang lebih maju dari segi ekonomi. Pihak askar telah berputus asas, penduduk awam menjadi lapar dan marah. Perubahan meluas tidak dapat dielakkan.

Pada bulan Februari, siri permogokan telah meletus. Pada tahap ini, para pekerja biasa jauh lebih teratur daripada pihak revolusioner. Sekumpulan pekerja perempuan di kilang penenunan telah bermogok di Petrograd, walaupun majlis Bolshevik tempatan telah menasihatkan mereka agar jangan bertindak sedemikian. Leon Trotsky, seorang revolusioner utama, telah menotakan bahawa kaum perempuan itu lebih berani daripada kaum lelaki.

Sambil permogokan-permogokan itu berubah menjadi kebangkitan popular, Tsar telah melarikan diri. Sebuah Kerajaan Peralihan baru telah diasaskan, dan percaya bahawa penyelesaian kepada masalah-masalah Rusia merupakan demokrasi parlimen jenis Barat. Tetapi para pekerja sedar bahawa perdebatan-perdebatan parlimen tidak akan memenuhi perut mereka dengan roti. Mereka telah mengasaskan soviet-soviet – iaitu majlis-majlis yang terdiri daripada wakil-wakil pekerja. Di kilang-kilang besar, majlis-majlis pekerja tersebut telah mencabar kuasa pihak pengurus.

Secara umumnya, kini terdapat dua kerajaan. Satu mendakwa bahawa ia mentadbir negera melalui cara-cara pentadbiran lama, sambil yang satu lagi telah menunjukkan kawalan ke atas tempat-tempat bekerja dan jalan raya. Keadaan ini merupakan keadaan yang dirujuk kepada oleh pihak Marxsis sebagai ‘dwi-kuasa.’

Setelah membina satu revolusi, para pekerja tidak menjangka bahawa mereka terpaksa membina revolusi baru. Pada mulanya, mereka telah beralih kepada parti-parti sosialis sederhana, yang berjanji untuk meletak tekanan pada bahu Kerajaan Peralihan. Tetapi pemerintah-pemerintah baru tidak dapat memenuhi tuntutan-tuntutan asas rakyat. Seluruh struktur masyarakat terus mereput.

Pada tahun itu, sekurang-kurangnya dua juta orang askar telah meninggalkan tentera. Seluruh unit askar telah meletakkan senjata, menyerang keretapi, menaiki bumbung keretapi dan membuang air kecil ke dalam bahagian-bahagian keretapi yang digunakan oleh golongan kaya. Mereka telah membawa semangat revolusioner baru kembali ke kawasan desa. Rumah-rumah pihak pemilik tanah diserang dan dihancurkan.

Persoalannya adalah: siapakah yang mentadbir masyarakat? Ia merupakan pertempuran yang semakin bertumbuh di antara pihak pemilik tanah lama serta pemilik-pemilik kilang, dengan kuasa-kuasa kerajaan di sebalik mereka, menentang golongan pekerja yang marah. Di beberapa kilang, para pekerja telah membuang pengurus kilang ke dalam kereta sorong dan membuangnya di luar pagar kilang. Apabila pegawai-pegawai tentera sayap kanan mencuba merampas kuasa, para pekerja telah berjuang. Pihak pekerja keretapi telah mengalihkan keretapi-keretapi yang membawa pegawai-pegawai itu dan membantu merosakkan percubaan rampasan kuasa.

Terdapatnya tiga parti sosialis utama pada masa itu. Yang paling militan daripada mereka, iaitu Parti Bolshevik, telah bangkit sebagai parti yang berkuasa. Pada permulaan tahun itu, ia mempunyai lebih kurang 4,000 ahli – menjelang akhir tahun itu, mungkin 250,000 ahli. Tidak sesiapa yang mengetahui jumlah sebenar. Ahli-ahli parti itu mempunyai urusan yang lebih penting daripada menyimpan senarai keahlian! Di satu bandar, parti itu telah bertumbuh dari sepuluh ahli menjadi 5,000. Menjelang bulan Julai, pihak Bolshevik telah mengeluarkan 41 suratkhabar dan jurnal. Namun, mereka masih ditindas, dengan pemenjaraan dan penahanan ahli-ahli utama. Tidak terdapatnya kerisauan bahawa orang telah menjadi ahli parti tersebut untuk melanjutkan kerjaya mereka.

Pihak Bolshevik bukanlah sebuah kumpulan rapat yang melompat apabila Lenin mengarah mereka untuk melompat. Lenin terpaksa berjuang untuk meyakinkan kepimpinan parti tersebut, iaiti majlis pusat, bahawa ia bukanlah mustahil untuk bersedia demi pengambilan kuasa. Ini bukanlah perbincangan-perbincangan sulit. Di jalan-jalan raya, para pekerja sedang membaca risalah Lenin bertajuk Dapatkah Pihak Bolshevik Merampas Kuasa Kerajaan?

Lenin bukanlah seorang diktator zalim. Dia juga telah membuat kesilapan dan terpaksa dibetulkan oleh komrad-komradnya. Pada mulanya, dia ingin memanggil pemberontakan dengan nama parti. Ia sudah pasti menjadi kesilapan besar, kerana ramai pekerja dan askar belum lagi memberikan sokongan kepada pihak Bolshevik. Trotsky telah meyakinkan Lenin bahawa kebangkitan itu patut dipanggil dengan nama soviet-soviet, yang mewakili aliran-aliran berbeza dalam gerakan pekerja.

Pihak Bolshevik bersedia untuk bekerjasama dengan kumpulan-kumpulan politik lain yang berkongsi matlamat-matlamat utama mereka. Terdapatnya empat orang anarkis pada Majlis Revolusioner Ketenteraan yang mengaturkan pemberontakan di Petrograd. Tetapi apabila Kerajaan Peralihan membuat rancangan pada bulan Oktober untuk mencuba menghapuskan ancaman yang dihadapkan oleh gerakan revolusioner, nilai sebuah parti berpusat yang dapat bertindak dengan cepat dan mengatur tindakan telah menjadi jelas.

Kerajaan Peralihan telah timbang dalam masa beberapa jam. Pemimpinnya, iaitu Kerensky, telah melarikan diri. Pada awal tahun 1960-an, dia seringkali dilihat di tempat minuman Kesatuan Universiti Oxford, merungut mengenai kehidupannya yang dibazirkan.

Revolusi tersebut merupakan inspirasi kepada para pekerja di seluruh dunia. Kuasa-kuasa Barat telah membawa pengakhiran kepada Perang Dunia Pertama dengan laju agar mereka dapat menyerang musuh bersama, iaitu Rusia. Lebih satu dozen tentera asing telah menyerang Rusia dan bekerjasama dengan pihak reaksioner di Rusia dalam perang saudara.

Jerman, sebuah kuasa perindustrian utama pada masa itu, kelihatan seperti sedia untuk revolusi di antara tahun 1919 dan 1923. Tetapi Parti Komunis, yang didirikan selepas revolusi di Rusia, kekurangan pengalaman, kemahiran politik dan keyakinan seperti pihak Bolshevik. Revolusi di Jerman telah gagal.

Akhirnya, seorang pemimpin Bolshevik yang hanya memainkan peranan kecil pada tahun 1917, iaitu Stalin, telah bangkit ke puncah parti itu. Dia telah menghantar kebanyakan bekas komrad-nya untuk dibunuh, dan telah mendirikan sebuah rejim zalim lagi korupse yang telah mengheret nama komunisme ke dalam lumpur.

Tetapi bagi mereka yang terus berjuang demi kuasa pekerja dan sosialisme sejati, Oktober 1917 kekal sebagai contoh revolusi. Walau betapa pendeknya kejayaan tersebut, ia merupakan contoh berjuta-juta pekerja biasa mengambil kehidupan mereka ke dalam tangan sendiri.

Sabah & Sarawak SaSa Superblog - Together we amplify our voices: Sarawak Blog: Sasa Superblog List

Sabah & Sarawak SaSa Superblog - Together we amplify our voices: Sarawak Blog: Sasa Superblog List

KARL MARX AND FIDEL ENGELS

Caption From the Picture : Statue of Marx and Engels in Alexanderplatz, Berlin The statues acquired the unofficial nickname "the Pensioners," and were also said to be sitting on their suitcases waiting for permission to emigrate to the West.

Marx and Engels' work covers a wide range of topics and presents a complex analysis of history and society in terms of class relations. Followers of Marx and Engels have drawn on this work to propose a political and economic philosophy dubbed Marxism.
Nevertheless, there have been numerous debates among Marxists over how to interpret Marx's writings and how to apply his concepts to current events and conditions (and it is important to distinguish between "Marxism" and "what Marx believed."
Essentially, people use the word "Marxist" to describe those who rely on Marx's conceptual language (e.g. means of production, class, commodity) to understand capitalist and other societies, or to describe those who believe that a workers' revolution is the only means to a communist society.
Marxism has influenced Christian thought, too, especially liberation theology, which argues in favor of God's special concern for, or bias towards, the poor and advocates that when the poor become conscious of their exploitation, they will then be empowered to demand and achieve their rights. Liberation theologians do not necessarily support violence as part of this process, although many have.
Six years after Marx's death, Engels and others founded the "Second International" as a base for continued political activism. This organization collapsed in 1914, in part because some members turned to Edward Bernstein's "evolutionary" socialism, and in part because of divisions precipitated by World War I.

PARAKU-PGRS : KAMBING HITAM PASKA KONFRONTASI RI - MALAYSIA

Habis manis sepah dibuang. Itulah nasib tragis ratusan gerilyawan Pasukan Rakyat Kalimantan Utara atau Paraku-Pasukan Gerakan Rakyat sarawak atau PGRS dukungan intelijen militer Indonesia semasa Presiden Soekarno mencanangkan konfrontasi menentang pembentukan Malaysia tahun 1963. Ketika Soekarno menyatakan "Ganyang Malaysia" tanggal 27 Juli 1963, relawan Indonesia dan gerilyawan Paraku-PGRS menjadi Pahlawan Indonesia. Paraku-PGRS menjadi momok menghantui pasukan Malaysia, Brunei, Inggris, dan Australia saat bergerilya di perbatasan Kalimantan Barat-Sarawak. Ketika Soeharto tampil sebagai penguasa yang berdamai dengan Malaysia, Paraku-PGRS pun digempur habis dan disertai kerusuhan anti Tionghoa di Kalimantan Barat tahun 1967 sebagai harga rekonsiliasi Jakarta - Kuala Lumpur.
Paraku-PGRS terlupakan dalam lembaran sejarah seiring kukuhnya Orde Baru dan baru muncul kembali dalam pembicaraan Indonesia-Malaysia dalam Joint Border Comitee (JBC) di Kuala Lumpur awal Desember 2007.Peneliti kekerasan terhadap Tionghoa, Benny Subianto, menjelaskan, ada benang merah dalam pemberantasan Paraku-PGRS dan kekerasan terhadap penduduk Tionghoa di Kalimantan Barat yang dikenal sebagai peristiwa "Mangkok Merah"
"Demi menghabisi Paraku-PGRS akhirnya dikondisikan kerusuhan anti Tionghoa. Sebelumnya Dayak, Melayu, dan Tionghoa hidup bersama secara damai di Kalimantan Barat," kata Benny.
Keberadaan Paraku-PGRS diakui sebagai buah karya kebijakan militer Indonesia. Buku Sejarah TNI Jilid IV (1966-1983) halaman 116-125 mencatat embrio Paraku-PGRS adalah 850 pemuda Cina Serawak yang menyeberang ke daerah RI saat terjadi konfrontasi dengan Malaysia.
Buku Sejarah TNI menyebut mereka adalah orang-orang Cina pro Komunis. Pemerintah RI melatih dan mempersenjatai mereka secara militer dalam rangka Konfrontasi Indonesia-Malaysia.
Lebih lanjut dijelaskan, mereka dibagi menjadi dua kesatuan, yaitu Pasukan Gerilya Rakyat Serawak (PGRS) dan Pasukan Rakyat Kalimantan Utara (Paraku). Kedua pasukan dikoordinir oleh Brigadir Jendral TNI Suparjo, pejabat Panglima Komando Tempur IV Mandau, berpusat di Bengkayan, Kalimantan Barat.
Bersama relawan dari Indonesia, Paraku-PGRS yang juga menghimpun Suku Melayu dan Dayak berulangkali menyusup wilayah Serawak dan bahkan Brunei. Salah satu tokoh Revolusi Brunei tahun 1962, Doktor Azhari, yang juga pimpinan Partai Rakyat Brunei diketahui dekat dengan kubu gerilyawan ini.
Benny Subianto dalam laporan ilmiah itu menjelaskan, banyak pemuda Tionghoa di Sabah, Serawak, dan Brunei menolak pendirian Malaysia karena takut dominasi Melayu terhadap wilayah Sabah, Serawak, dan Brunei. Gerilyawan Paraku-PGRS dalam laporan Herbert Feith di Far Eastern Economic Review (FEER) edisi 59 tanggal 21-27 Januari 1968 dilukiskan hidup bagai ikan di tengah air terutama di antara masyarakat Tionghoa Kalimantan Barat yang waktu itu hidup tersebar di pedalaman.
Benny Subianto menambahkan betapa gerilyawan Paraku-PGRS dan relawan Indonesia menghantui wilayah perbatasan. Bahkan, mereka nyaris menghancurkan garnisun 1/2 British Gurkha Rifles (1/2 GR) dalam serangan terhadap distrik Long Jawi (sekitar 120 kilometer sebelah barat Long Nawang, Kalimantan Timur). Selama berbulan-bulan mereka juga menghantui jalan darat Tebedu-Serian-Kuching (dekat pos perbatasan Darat Entikong) selama berbulan-bulan pada paruh pertama tahun 1964.
JP Cross dalam buku A face Like A Chicken Backside-An Unconventional Soldier In Malaya and Borneo 1948-1971 halaman 150-151 mencatat betapa serangan relawan Indonesia di Long Jawi tanggal 28 September 1963 menewaskan operator radio, beberapa prajurit Gurkha, dan Pandu Perbatasan (Border Scout). Long Jawi sempat dikuasai sebelum akhirnya Pasukan Gurkha menyerang balik setelah mendapat bala bantuan. Di balik perjuangan Paraku-PGRS dan relawan Indonesia, sebagian besar operasi militer selama konfrontasi tidak mencapai hasil memuaskan. Mantan Panglima Komando Daerah Militer (Kodam) Tanjung Pura Soeharyo alias Haryo Kecik dalam memoirnya mencatat, gerakan pasukan dan gerilyawan di wilayah Kalimantan selalu bocor dan diketahui lawan. Menurut Soeharyo, kebocoran justru terjadi di tubuh militer dari Jakarta.
Adapun dalam laporan ilmiah Benny Subianto disebutkan operasi Paraku-PGRS dan relawan tidak mendapat dukungan penuh dari Angkatan Darat (AD) yang dikenal sebagai kubu anti komunis semasa konfrontasi.
Setelah Jakarta-Kuala Lumpur berdamai melalui diplomasi di Bangkok, Paraku-PGRS harus diberantas sebagai musuh bersama. Itulah ironi sejarah yang terlupakan ketika kawan harus berubah menjadi kambing hitam/lawan (Disadur dari tulisan Iwan Santosa).

Sumber: http://goenaar.blogspot.com/2009/11/paraku-pgrs-kambing-hitam-paska.html

Taib Must Go!

Rakan Sepejuang Meninggalkan Komen Ini Di Dalam

 Blog Raban Dayak Baru:

hostage88 berkata...

Brother help promote TMG. TMG = Taib Must Go 

is a civil society movement

 and is apolitical. Aim is to exert pressure and harnes support from

 Sarawakians to ensure Taib no longer overstay his welcome and

 ensure change in the 10th Sarawak State Elections.

http://www.facebook.com/taibmustgo

The promoters of this new movement will contact you 

Mr Haris for some advice as far as activities is concerned.

For starters, T-Shirts will be printed and hopefully, they are 

able to organise social gatherings in all towns in Sarawak. 

Voter Registration exercise will also be organised.

Lets see whether we can change the mindset of timid 

Sarawakians and how many will show their faces and 

show up to be counted.

We need all the support and advice from

 Civil Society groups.

Tamu Hujung Minggu Di Miri

Saya amat sedih melihat kaum dayak berjual hasil-hasil hutan di tamu hujung minggu di jalan Oleander bertentangan dengan Wisma Pelita Tunku, Miri. Apabila pihak berkuasa tempatan Miri tidak ambil kisah untuk menghalang pergerakan kenderaan keluar masuk mengganggu urusan perniagaan mereka. Sikap acuh tak acuh pihak berkuasa menyebabkan pelanggan di tempat itu berasa tidak selesa untuk membeli-belah.