KAPIT RESOLUTIONS 1962 – DAYAK TREATY FOR MALAYSIA

Written by gkm2020 – For and on behalf of Dayakbaru

General Introduction

I write this article in good faith for kind attention of all Dayak Ibans and other Dayak communities (Dayaklama and/or Dayakbaru) of Sarawak. We, Dayaks (Dayak Iban, Dayak Bidayuh and Dayak Orang Ulu), in Sarawak may not have 20 points like State of Sabah but we extremely have at least 21 points agreement prior to the formation of the “Federation of Malaysia”.

“Kapit Resolution 1962” was the key treaty and/or agreement mooted by the native Ibans with regard to the proposal of the “Federation of Malaysia” via the Malaysia Plan “Aum” 1962.

47 years of independence, Malaysia and/or the Federation of Malaya (promoted by UMNO) had failed to safeguard the natives’ rights and/or privileges and had also failed to accelerate efforts to improve the economics future of the natives in Sarawak.

Our history began here in 1962. The Ibans form the largest single group of the population and by far the largest native group.

Ibans are primarily country people and few take to town life. Although they are to be found throughout the country, nearly 75% of their total number live in the Second and Third Divisions.

Special Privileges for Natives Sarawak

Groups from all natives populations expressed a general desires;

a. The Head of State should be a native of Sarawak.

b. That special privileges should be given to the natives. They were extremely anxious that their position in the new Federation should be analogous to that of the Malays in the present Constitution of the Federation of Malaya.

c. There was a general agreement that economic development should be accelerated and increased attention paid to education, in particular reference to the needs of the natives;

d. That the land, forestry and agriculture should be subjected to be controlled by the State Government. Great emphasis was also laid on the need to safeguard customary rights and practices.

e. Customary land and other native rights should be protected.

General natives’ opinions toward the formation of “The Federation of Malaysia”

On a number of other points there are also some differences in opinions:

a. Some elements favor the arrangement that the Head of State of Sarawak should also be eligible to be the Head of the Federation of Malaysia, while others, a smaller element, favor a popularly elected of the Federation.

b. There were differences in attitude towards the acceptance of Islam as the national religions for Malaysia as a whole, and towards its particular application to Sarawak.

c. There were similar differences in attitude towards Malay as the national language for Malaysia as a whole and towards its application to Sarawak; and also as to official languages for Sarawak

d. There was conflict regarding the Constitutional allocation of the legislative powers between the Federal and the State Governments in the new Federation, to which is related the question of a formula for representation in the new Federal Parliament.

e. The immigration into Sarawak from other territories of the proposed Federation should be under the control of the State authorities. This springs from the fear that, on the establishment of “Malaysia”, the people of Malaya and Singapore in particular would migrate in large numbers to Sarawak to take advantage of the land and opportunities available, to the detriment of the people of Sarawak themselves. Coupled with this general anxiety, there is particular concern about the possible entry of undesirable elements from “outside”

f. There should also be no rapid change in the administrative arrangements affecting the daily life of the people or in such matters as taxation.

g. Rural development should be accelerated as it has been in the Federation of Malaya so that the general standard of living could be raised as soon as possible.

“Aum Kapit” Malaysia Plan 1962

“Aum” in Iban herein referred to as “conference”.

The most important single center of the Ibans is at Kapit in the Third Division. A conference (or “aum”) of 51 elected Chiefs (Pengarahs and Penghulus) had been held there on the 15th February, 1962, to discuss the proposals for a “Federation of Malaysia” set out in the Sarawak Government’s Paper.

KAPIT RESOLUTIONS 1962

The Iban conference @Aum reached their general agreement that the “scheme” should be supported, subject to certain conditions, and their resolutions  when the Cobbold Commission visited Kapit on the 19th March 1962.

The “Kapit Resolutions 1962” were as follows:

1. Head of Sarawak State: The Head of the State of Sarawak to be a native of Sarawak.

Some groups expressed a wish that he should be elected by the people. Some would like him to have the title of Rajah and to be an Iban.

In either case, it was held that he should be eligible, with the Heads of other States in the new Federation, for the post of Head of the Federations. One or two groups asked that, during the initial period, a British Governor should be retained.

2. Head of State of Malaysia: The Head of each State in the Federation of Malaysia to be eligible in due course to be the Head of the Federation of Malaysia.

Some Ibans asked that he should be given the title of President as the title Yang di-Pertuan Agong is Malay, and is not acceptable.

3. Tradition Custom: “Adat Lama” to remain under the control of the Government of the State of Sarawak as it has until to-day.

4. Sarawak Land: Land to be under the control of the State including the existing rights of the natives of Sarawak in such matters as land.

5. National language: There was some difference of opinion. Some groups suggested that there should be no national language; others wanted it to be Iban. Still others were willing to have Malay or Iban.

6. Official Language: English to remain the official language of the State of Sarawak and to continue to be one of the official languages of Malaysia.

There was agreement among groups that English should be retained either indefinitely or for at least fifteen (15) years as the official language, not only in Sarawak but in the new Federation as well. Some groups wished Iban as well as English to be an official language.

7. Religion: Freedom in religious worship

8. Federal Representation: There is to be adequate representation for Sarawak in the Federal Government.

A number of groups asked that this should be worked out on a combined population and areas basis and that, within the number of seats allocated to Sarawak in the House of Representatives, the Ibans should have equal representation with the Malays and the Chinese.

9. Native Employment: British officers to remain until replaced by properly qualified local people. Natives to have a fair share of Government employment.

10. Native Privileges and Status: Sarawak natives to enjoy the same status and privileges as Malays in Malaya.

11. Education: Education to be a Federal subject and to be equalized throughout Malaysia as soon as possible. Sarawak natives to have a fair share of overseas scholarships.

12. Medium of instruction in schools: English should be retained as the medium of instruction, but Iban should be taught as a subject.

13. Immigration: Immigration to remain under the control of the State of Sarawak.

14. State Powers: Powers reserved in the Constitution to a State may not be changed without the agreement of the State.

15. Development: Development in Sarawak to be accelerated.

16. Religion: Much emphasis was placed on the need for freedom of religion as there is at present, i.e., freedom to profess, practice and propagate any religion.

There was a general feeling that Sarawak should be a secular State and the suggestion was made that if Muslims were given assistance from Federal funds, other religions – Christianity was specially mentioned – should enjoy similar treatment.

17. Name of the new Federation: There was dislike of the name “MALAYSIA” and hope that some other name could be devised. Many alternatives were suggested.

18. Armed Forces: The Ibans are anxious to have a fair chance of service in the Federation’s armed forces.

19. Sarawak State: A number of groups wanted to be sure that they could have a separate Sarawak State flag – some mentioned the old Rajah’s flag – a State anthem and a National Day.

20. Self-Government: The Ibans had been looking forward to the self-government which had been promised to them, and the principal reason why they were ready, on conditions, to accept the Malaysia proposals, despite their uncertainties, was because they were confident that the British Government would not recommend the scheme if it was not going to be beneficial to them.

21.  Equal rights: Ibans wanted to be treated by the Malays as brothers, but not as the younger brothers. They were opposed to the idea that Sarawak should be treated as only one of 15 States in a Federation of Malaysia; they maintained that this would give her too small a voice in the new Federation’s affairs.

The 51 Chiefs at the conference together were said to represent some 112,000 Ibans out of a total population of nearly 238,000 and many delegations of Ibans who came before the Cobbold Commission teams at different centers in the Third Division confirmed that they supported the “Kapit Resolutions 1962”.

In a small number of cases a demand was made that they should either be accepted without alteration or that any changes should be made only after there had been opportunity for further discussion with the Iban people.

While the great majority of the Ibans in the Third Division who were in favor of the Malaysia plan took their stand on the “Kapit Resolutions 1962”, there were some groups who gave their full support to the “scheme” on the basis of the recommendations in the report of the Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Committee (MSCC).

Notes: The Sarawak MSCC Delegations in Singapore were represented by (3rd February 1962):

• Yeo Cheng Hoe – Leader
• Ong Kee Hui – Member
• Temenggong Jugah Ak Barieng – Member
• Pengarah Montegrai Ak Tugang – Member
• Dato Abang Haji Openg – Member
• Ling Beng Siew – Member
• James Wong – Member
• Remigius Durin Ak Nganau – Member

Other Desirable Provisions

Some felt that this was a desirable provision in a new venture about which they felt some doubts. Others suggested that it should apply only in certain circumstances such as:

a. A change of regime in Kuala Lumpur.

b. A change in the Federal Constitution which had not been accepted by Sarawak.

One group from the Baram River hotly opposed the creation of a Federation of Malaysia but recognized that the decision might go against them.

They insisted that, if this was so, certain conditions should be met. These were much the same as those set out in the “Kapit Resolutions 1962”, but went further in some respects and the group was not prepared to discuss any modification of them.

Right to withdraw from the new Federation

There was fear too that a large proportion of Sarawak’s revenue would be handed over to the Federal Government without a corresponding return in the shape of services to the people of Sarawak.

The question of the right to withdraw from the new Federation was raised with Sarawak MCSS at Kapit and elsewhere.

In certain circumstances there should be such a right at least for a period of five (5) years, and that this should be specifically stated in the Federal Constitution.

Conclusion

The Second Division Ibans were not represented at the “Aum Kapit” but most of the many groups supported the idea of Malaysia, though they asked for safeguards.

In many places, more especially in the more remote areas and in areas where the Ibans form a proportionately smaller section of the population, a feeling of general uncertainty was apparent.

The Ibans and others who had given the matter careful thought, that the “Kapit Resolutions 1962” had to be considered against a background of implicit trust in the British Government.

Political activity had been stimulated to an alarming degree by the “Malaysia” proposals and many Ibans were afraid that there might be violence not only between different races but between Ibans who supported the “Malaysia Plan” and those who opposed it.

Finally, the view was expressed by the Ibans in many centers that it was of great importance that a decision on Malaysia should be reached as soon as possible.

So, where are Ibans and other native Dayaks today? What is your general status?

If you failed to vote your rights, you failed to protect and/or defend your “Special Privileges”

AGI IDUP – AGI NGELABAN – CHANGE WE MUST…..Hoo…Haa…!!
From : http://dayakbaru.com/weblog08/2010/10/13/kapit-resolutions-1962-dayak-treaty-for-malaysia/

Revolusi Rusia tahun 1917

Tahun ini ialah ulangtahun ke-93 bagi salah satu peristiwa abad ke-20 yang paling penting dan paling mengharukan. Tetapi anda tidak akan menyedarinya dari mana-mana suratkhabar atau rancangan television. Revolusi di Rusia pada tahun 1917 adalah peristiwa yang dibenci oleh mereka yang mempertahankan sistem yang kita menghadapi setiap hari. Ini adalah kerana rakyat jelata telah mengambil kehidupan mereka ke dalam tangan sendiri.

Ahli-ahli sejarah yang membenci peristiwa ini mendakwa bahawa ia merupakan konspirasi oleh sebuah kumpulan kecil yang dikenali sebagai pihak Bolshevik. Tidak terdapat apa-apa yang lebih jauh dari kebenaran. Krisis sosial yang wujud pada masa itu bermakna bahawa rakyat tidak dapat berterusan dalam keadaan melarat seperti itu. Orang yang beberapa tahun sebelum itu mungkin tidak menghiraukan seseorang yang menjual suratkhabar Bolshevik kini menyedari sesuatu yang berbeza.

Untuk memenuhi tuntutan-tuntutan asas rakyat – makanan bagi para pekerja di bandar, pemberian tanah kepada kaum petani, pengakhiran serta-merta kepada peperangan – sudah pasti akan berlakunya revolusi. 

Bulan-bulan pergolakan yang bertumbuh telah meletus pada pagi 7hb November (25hb Oktober pada kalendar lama). Kumpulan-kumpulan pekerja, kadang-kala diiringi oleh askar-askar yang menyokong revolusi, telah menduduki stesen-stesen keretapi, stesen-stesen penjana kuasa, gudang-gudang senjata, bank-bank, pusat-pusat telefon dan kilang-kilang pencetak di seluruh Petrograd. Malah mereka di barisan hadapan yang mempertahankan sistem lama telah diubah oleh pergolakan popular.

Seorang wartawan Amerika Syarikat, Albert Rhys Williams, telah menghuraikan reaksi pihak askar yang bertanggungjawab untuk menghalang apa-apa pemberontakan. Mereka dikenali sebagai Pengawal Putih. “Mereka membuang topi, tali pinggang dan pedang. Tanda-tanda kehormatan kini menjadi tanda-tanda kemaluan dan kematian,” katanya Williams. “Seorang pegawai tentera yang menjumpai blaus di tempat menjemur baju menjadi sangat gembira. Seorang kapten yang menjumpai apron pemasak memakainya, menyelimuti tangannya dengan tepung dan, sudah putih dengan ketakutan, menjadi Pengawal Putih yang paling putih di seluruh Rusia.”

Satu-satunya tempat yang tidak tumbang kepada revolusi merupakan Istana Musim Sejuk, iaitu tempat tinggal bekas pemerintah Tsar. Ia kekal sehingga akhir hari. Rakyat terpaksa mengancamnya dengan meriam sebelum ia juga menyerah diri. Pertempuran yang lebih lama telah berlaku di Moskow, tetapi seluruh negara berada dalam tangan pihak revolusioner tidak lama selepas itu.

Pada hari selepas kebangkitan Petrograd, seorang revolusioner bernama Vladimir Lenin telah berucap kepada kongres wakil-wakil dari majlis-majlis pekerja yang telah diasaskan di seluruh Rusia. Ia dinamakan soviet-soviet. Wartawan Amerika Syarikat bernama John Reed telah menggambarkan “ombak sorakan” yang mengalu-alukan pemimpin ini “yang berpakaian baju tidak kemas, seluarnya terlalu panjang baginya. Tidak hebat untuk menjadi pujaan pergolakan, tetapi disayangi dan disanjung seperti hanya beberapa pemimpin dalam sejarah.”

Berita mengenai revolusi itu telah menyebar dengan pantas. Tidak terdapatnya television untuk menyampaikan gambar-gambar kuasa pekerja. Media massa dunia telah menciptakan penipuan dan pemesongan, dengan pengecualian beberapa wartawan yang ikhlas dan berani seperti John Reed. Tetapi mesej tersebut telah disampaikan.

Harry McShane, seorang pekerja kejuruteraan militan di Glasglow, mengingati:

Apabila Lenin menuntut “segala kuasa kepada soviet-soviet,” ia bermakna bahawa mereka telah menjumpai sistem pentadbiran sendiri oleh kelas pekerja melalui mana susunan lama telah dihapuskan. Kami bermula menyedari apa yang dimaksudkan oleh revolusi. Kami dahulunya hanya mengenali pemberontakan kelas pekerja. Kini kami membincangkan kuasa kelas pekerja.

Pada permulaan tahun 1917, Rusia telah berperang selamsa dua setengah tahun. Kerajaan Tsar yang korupse dan tidak cekap tidak lagi dapat menangani tekanan bertempur menentang negara-negara yang lebih maju dari segi ekonomi. Pihak askar telah berputus asas, penduduk awam menjadi lapar dan marah. Perubahan meluas tidak dapat dielakkan.

Pada bulan Februari, siri permogokan telah meletus. Pada tahap ini, para pekerja biasa jauh lebih teratur daripada pihak revolusioner. Sekumpulan pekerja perempuan di kilang penenunan telah bermogok di Petrograd, walaupun majlis Bolshevik tempatan telah menasihatkan mereka agar jangan bertindak sedemikian. Leon Trotsky, seorang revolusioner utama, telah menotakan bahawa kaum perempuan itu lebih berani daripada kaum lelaki.

Sambil permogokan-permogokan itu berubah menjadi kebangkitan popular, Tsar telah melarikan diri. Sebuah Kerajaan Peralihan baru telah diasaskan, dan percaya bahawa penyelesaian kepada masalah-masalah Rusia merupakan demokrasi parlimen jenis Barat. Tetapi para pekerja sedar bahawa perdebatan-perdebatan parlimen tidak akan memenuhi perut mereka dengan roti. Mereka telah mengasaskan soviet-soviet – iaitu majlis-majlis yang terdiri daripada wakil-wakil pekerja. Di kilang-kilang besar, majlis-majlis pekerja tersebut telah mencabar kuasa pihak pengurus.

Secara umumnya, kini terdapat dua kerajaan. Satu mendakwa bahawa ia mentadbir negera melalui cara-cara pentadbiran lama, sambil yang satu lagi telah menunjukkan kawalan ke atas tempat-tempat bekerja dan jalan raya. Keadaan ini merupakan keadaan yang dirujuk kepada oleh pihak Marxsis sebagai ‘dwi-kuasa.’

Setelah membina satu revolusi, para pekerja tidak menjangka bahawa mereka terpaksa membina revolusi baru. Pada mulanya, mereka telah beralih kepada parti-parti sosialis sederhana, yang berjanji untuk meletak tekanan pada bahu Kerajaan Peralihan. Tetapi pemerintah-pemerintah baru tidak dapat memenuhi tuntutan-tuntutan asas rakyat. Seluruh struktur masyarakat terus mereput.

Pada tahun itu, sekurang-kurangnya dua juta orang askar telah meninggalkan tentera. Seluruh unit askar telah meletakkan senjata, menyerang keretapi, menaiki bumbung keretapi dan membuang air kecil ke dalam bahagian-bahagian keretapi yang digunakan oleh golongan kaya. Mereka telah membawa semangat revolusioner baru kembali ke kawasan desa. Rumah-rumah pihak pemilik tanah diserang dan dihancurkan.

Persoalannya adalah: siapakah yang mentadbir masyarakat? Ia merupakan pertempuran yang semakin bertumbuh di antara pihak pemilik tanah lama serta pemilik-pemilik kilang, dengan kuasa-kuasa kerajaan di sebalik mereka, menentang golongan pekerja yang marah. Di beberapa kilang, para pekerja telah membuang pengurus kilang ke dalam kereta sorong dan membuangnya di luar pagar kilang. Apabila pegawai-pegawai tentera sayap kanan mencuba merampas kuasa, para pekerja telah berjuang. Pihak pekerja keretapi telah mengalihkan keretapi-keretapi yang membawa pegawai-pegawai itu dan membantu merosakkan percubaan rampasan kuasa.

Terdapatnya tiga parti sosialis utama pada masa itu. Yang paling militan daripada mereka, iaitu Parti Bolshevik, telah bangkit sebagai parti yang berkuasa. Pada permulaan tahun itu, ia mempunyai lebih kurang 4,000 ahli – menjelang akhir tahun itu, mungkin 250,000 ahli. Tidak sesiapa yang mengetahui jumlah sebenar. Ahli-ahli parti itu mempunyai urusan yang lebih penting daripada menyimpan senarai keahlian! Di satu bandar, parti itu telah bertumbuh dari sepuluh ahli menjadi 5,000. Menjelang bulan Julai, pihak Bolshevik telah mengeluarkan 41 suratkhabar dan jurnal. Namun, mereka masih ditindas, dengan pemenjaraan dan penahanan ahli-ahli utama. Tidak terdapatnya kerisauan bahawa orang telah menjadi ahli parti tersebut untuk melanjutkan kerjaya mereka.

Pihak Bolshevik bukanlah sebuah kumpulan rapat yang melompat apabila Lenin mengarah mereka untuk melompat. Lenin terpaksa berjuang untuk meyakinkan kepimpinan parti tersebut, iaiti majlis pusat, bahawa ia bukanlah mustahil untuk bersedia demi pengambilan kuasa. Ini bukanlah perbincangan-perbincangan sulit. Di jalan-jalan raya, para pekerja sedang membaca risalah Lenin bertajuk Dapatkah Pihak Bolshevik Merampas Kuasa Kerajaan?

Lenin bukanlah seorang diktator zalim. Dia juga telah membuat kesilapan dan terpaksa dibetulkan oleh komrad-komradnya. Pada mulanya, dia ingin memanggil pemberontakan dengan nama parti. Ia sudah pasti menjadi kesilapan besar, kerana ramai pekerja dan askar belum lagi memberikan sokongan kepada pihak Bolshevik. Trotsky telah meyakinkan Lenin bahawa kebangkitan itu patut dipanggil dengan nama soviet-soviet, yang mewakili aliran-aliran berbeza dalam gerakan pekerja.

Pihak Bolshevik bersedia untuk bekerjasama dengan kumpulan-kumpulan politik lain yang berkongsi matlamat-matlamat utama mereka. Terdapatnya empat orang anarkis pada Majlis Revolusioner Ketenteraan yang mengaturkan pemberontakan di Petrograd. Tetapi apabila Kerajaan Peralihan membuat rancangan pada bulan Oktober untuk mencuba menghapuskan ancaman yang dihadapkan oleh gerakan revolusioner, nilai sebuah parti berpusat yang dapat bertindak dengan cepat dan mengatur tindakan telah menjadi jelas.

Kerajaan Peralihan telah timbang dalam masa beberapa jam. Pemimpinnya, iaitu Kerensky, telah melarikan diri. Pada awal tahun 1960-an, dia seringkali dilihat di tempat minuman Kesatuan Universiti Oxford, merungut mengenai kehidupannya yang dibazirkan.

Revolusi tersebut merupakan inspirasi kepada para pekerja di seluruh dunia. Kuasa-kuasa Barat telah membawa pengakhiran kepada Perang Dunia Pertama dengan laju agar mereka dapat menyerang musuh bersama, iaitu Rusia. Lebih satu dozen tentera asing telah menyerang Rusia dan bekerjasama dengan pihak reaksioner di Rusia dalam perang saudara.

Jerman, sebuah kuasa perindustrian utama pada masa itu, kelihatan seperti sedia untuk revolusi di antara tahun 1919 dan 1923. Tetapi Parti Komunis, yang didirikan selepas revolusi di Rusia, kekurangan pengalaman, kemahiran politik dan keyakinan seperti pihak Bolshevik. Revolusi di Jerman telah gagal.

Akhirnya, seorang pemimpin Bolshevik yang hanya memainkan peranan kecil pada tahun 1917, iaitu Stalin, telah bangkit ke puncah parti itu. Dia telah menghantar kebanyakan bekas komrad-nya untuk dibunuh, dan telah mendirikan sebuah rejim zalim lagi korupse yang telah mengheret nama komunisme ke dalam lumpur.

Tetapi bagi mereka yang terus berjuang demi kuasa pekerja dan sosialisme sejati, Oktober 1917 kekal sebagai contoh revolusi. Walau betapa pendeknya kejayaan tersebut, ia merupakan contoh berjuta-juta pekerja biasa mengambil kehidupan mereka ke dalam tangan sendiri.

Sabah & Sarawak SaSa Superblog - Together we amplify our voices: Sarawak Blog: Sasa Superblog List

Sabah & Sarawak SaSa Superblog - Together we amplify our voices: Sarawak Blog: Sasa Superblog List

KARL MARX AND FIDEL ENGELS

Caption From the Picture : Statue of Marx and Engels in Alexanderplatz, Berlin The statues acquired the unofficial nickname "the Pensioners," and were also said to be sitting on their suitcases waiting for permission to emigrate to the West.

Marx and Engels' work covers a wide range of topics and presents a complex analysis of history and society in terms of class relations. Followers of Marx and Engels have drawn on this work to propose a political and economic philosophy dubbed Marxism.
Nevertheless, there have been numerous debates among Marxists over how to interpret Marx's writings and how to apply his concepts to current events and conditions (and it is important to distinguish between "Marxism" and "what Marx believed."
Essentially, people use the word "Marxist" to describe those who rely on Marx's conceptual language (e.g. means of production, class, commodity) to understand capitalist and other societies, or to describe those who believe that a workers' revolution is the only means to a communist society.
Marxism has influenced Christian thought, too, especially liberation theology, which argues in favor of God's special concern for, or bias towards, the poor and advocates that when the poor become conscious of their exploitation, they will then be empowered to demand and achieve their rights. Liberation theologians do not necessarily support violence as part of this process, although many have.
Six years after Marx's death, Engels and others founded the "Second International" as a base for continued political activism. This organization collapsed in 1914, in part because some members turned to Edward Bernstein's "evolutionary" socialism, and in part because of divisions precipitated by World War I.

PARAKU-PGRS : KAMBING HITAM PASKA KONFRONTASI RI - MALAYSIA

Habis manis sepah dibuang. Itulah nasib tragis ratusan gerilyawan Pasukan Rakyat Kalimantan Utara atau Paraku-Pasukan Gerakan Rakyat sarawak atau PGRS dukungan intelijen militer Indonesia semasa Presiden Soekarno mencanangkan konfrontasi menentang pembentukan Malaysia tahun 1963. Ketika Soekarno menyatakan "Ganyang Malaysia" tanggal 27 Juli 1963, relawan Indonesia dan gerilyawan Paraku-PGRS menjadi Pahlawan Indonesia. Paraku-PGRS menjadi momok menghantui pasukan Malaysia, Brunei, Inggris, dan Australia saat bergerilya di perbatasan Kalimantan Barat-Sarawak. Ketika Soeharto tampil sebagai penguasa yang berdamai dengan Malaysia, Paraku-PGRS pun digempur habis dan disertai kerusuhan anti Tionghoa di Kalimantan Barat tahun 1967 sebagai harga rekonsiliasi Jakarta - Kuala Lumpur.
Paraku-PGRS terlupakan dalam lembaran sejarah seiring kukuhnya Orde Baru dan baru muncul kembali dalam pembicaraan Indonesia-Malaysia dalam Joint Border Comitee (JBC) di Kuala Lumpur awal Desember 2007.Peneliti kekerasan terhadap Tionghoa, Benny Subianto, menjelaskan, ada benang merah dalam pemberantasan Paraku-PGRS dan kekerasan terhadap penduduk Tionghoa di Kalimantan Barat yang dikenal sebagai peristiwa "Mangkok Merah"
"Demi menghabisi Paraku-PGRS akhirnya dikondisikan kerusuhan anti Tionghoa. Sebelumnya Dayak, Melayu, dan Tionghoa hidup bersama secara damai di Kalimantan Barat," kata Benny.
Keberadaan Paraku-PGRS diakui sebagai buah karya kebijakan militer Indonesia. Buku Sejarah TNI Jilid IV (1966-1983) halaman 116-125 mencatat embrio Paraku-PGRS adalah 850 pemuda Cina Serawak yang menyeberang ke daerah RI saat terjadi konfrontasi dengan Malaysia.
Buku Sejarah TNI menyebut mereka adalah orang-orang Cina pro Komunis. Pemerintah RI melatih dan mempersenjatai mereka secara militer dalam rangka Konfrontasi Indonesia-Malaysia.
Lebih lanjut dijelaskan, mereka dibagi menjadi dua kesatuan, yaitu Pasukan Gerilya Rakyat Serawak (PGRS) dan Pasukan Rakyat Kalimantan Utara (Paraku). Kedua pasukan dikoordinir oleh Brigadir Jendral TNI Suparjo, pejabat Panglima Komando Tempur IV Mandau, berpusat di Bengkayan, Kalimantan Barat.
Bersama relawan dari Indonesia, Paraku-PGRS yang juga menghimpun Suku Melayu dan Dayak berulangkali menyusup wilayah Serawak dan bahkan Brunei. Salah satu tokoh Revolusi Brunei tahun 1962, Doktor Azhari, yang juga pimpinan Partai Rakyat Brunei diketahui dekat dengan kubu gerilyawan ini.
Benny Subianto dalam laporan ilmiah itu menjelaskan, banyak pemuda Tionghoa di Sabah, Serawak, dan Brunei menolak pendirian Malaysia karena takut dominasi Melayu terhadap wilayah Sabah, Serawak, dan Brunei. Gerilyawan Paraku-PGRS dalam laporan Herbert Feith di Far Eastern Economic Review (FEER) edisi 59 tanggal 21-27 Januari 1968 dilukiskan hidup bagai ikan di tengah air terutama di antara masyarakat Tionghoa Kalimantan Barat yang waktu itu hidup tersebar di pedalaman.
Benny Subianto menambahkan betapa gerilyawan Paraku-PGRS dan relawan Indonesia menghantui wilayah perbatasan. Bahkan, mereka nyaris menghancurkan garnisun 1/2 British Gurkha Rifles (1/2 GR) dalam serangan terhadap distrik Long Jawi (sekitar 120 kilometer sebelah barat Long Nawang, Kalimantan Timur). Selama berbulan-bulan mereka juga menghantui jalan darat Tebedu-Serian-Kuching (dekat pos perbatasan Darat Entikong) selama berbulan-bulan pada paruh pertama tahun 1964.
JP Cross dalam buku A face Like A Chicken Backside-An Unconventional Soldier In Malaya and Borneo 1948-1971 halaman 150-151 mencatat betapa serangan relawan Indonesia di Long Jawi tanggal 28 September 1963 menewaskan operator radio, beberapa prajurit Gurkha, dan Pandu Perbatasan (Border Scout). Long Jawi sempat dikuasai sebelum akhirnya Pasukan Gurkha menyerang balik setelah mendapat bala bantuan. Di balik perjuangan Paraku-PGRS dan relawan Indonesia, sebagian besar operasi militer selama konfrontasi tidak mencapai hasil memuaskan. Mantan Panglima Komando Daerah Militer (Kodam) Tanjung Pura Soeharyo alias Haryo Kecik dalam memoirnya mencatat, gerakan pasukan dan gerilyawan di wilayah Kalimantan selalu bocor dan diketahui lawan. Menurut Soeharyo, kebocoran justru terjadi di tubuh militer dari Jakarta.
Adapun dalam laporan ilmiah Benny Subianto disebutkan operasi Paraku-PGRS dan relawan tidak mendapat dukungan penuh dari Angkatan Darat (AD) yang dikenal sebagai kubu anti komunis semasa konfrontasi.
Setelah Jakarta-Kuala Lumpur berdamai melalui diplomasi di Bangkok, Paraku-PGRS harus diberantas sebagai musuh bersama. Itulah ironi sejarah yang terlupakan ketika kawan harus berubah menjadi kambing hitam/lawan (Disadur dari tulisan Iwan Santosa).

Sumber: http://goenaar.blogspot.com/2009/11/paraku-pgrs-kambing-hitam-paska.html

Taib Must Go!

Rakan Sepejuang Meninggalkan Komen Ini Di Dalam

 Blog Raban Dayak Baru:

hostage88 berkata...

Brother help promote TMG. TMG = Taib Must Go 

is a civil society movement

 and is apolitical. Aim is to exert pressure and harnes support from

 Sarawakians to ensure Taib no longer overstay his welcome and

 ensure change in the 10th Sarawak State Elections.

http://www.facebook.com/taibmustgo

The promoters of this new movement will contact you 

Mr Haris for some advice as far as activities is concerned.

For starters, T-Shirts will be printed and hopefully, they are 

able to organise social gatherings in all towns in Sarawak. 

Voter Registration exercise will also be organised.

Lets see whether we can change the mindset of timid 

Sarawakians and how many will show their faces and 

show up to be counted.

We need all the support and advice from

 Civil Society groups.

Tamu Hujung Minggu Di Miri

Saya amat sedih melihat kaum dayak berjual hasil-hasil hutan di tamu hujung minggu di jalan Oleander bertentangan dengan Wisma Pelita Tunku, Miri. Apabila pihak berkuasa tempatan Miri tidak ambil kisah untuk menghalang pergerakan kenderaan keluar masuk mengganggu urusan perniagaan mereka. Sikap acuh tak acuh pihak berkuasa menyebabkan pelanggan di tempat itu berasa tidak selesa untuk membeli-belah.

Adakah peruntukan kewangan Jalan Beluru - Long Lapok telah dinyatakan di dalam RMK10 yang dibentangkan oleh PM Malaysia pagi tadi. Semoga kaum dayak tidak akan terpinggir oleh kerajaan pusat selama 47 tahun setelah bersama malaya. Inikah dikatakan maju oleh pemimpim UMNO.

47 Tahun Selepas Merdeka Masih Tidak Mendapat Bekalan Air Yang Bersih

Lokasi: Sungai Ulu Teru, Tinjar, Baram, Miri.

Penduduk kampung di sini terpaksa mengguna air sungai yang keruh ini untuk kegiatan harian mereka seperti mandi, membasuh pakaian dan membasuh pinggan mangkuk. Sekiranya musim kemarau, mereka mengguna air sungai ini untuk diminum dan memasak makanan.

SELAMAT GAWAI DAYAK 2010

Gawai Day or Gawai Dayak is a festival celebrated in Sarawak on 1 June every year. It is both a religious and social occasion. The word Gawai means a ritual or festival whereas Dayak is a collective name for the native ethnic groups of Sarawak: the Iban, also known as Sea Dayak and the Bidayuhpeople, also known as Land Dayak. Thus, Gawai Dayak literally means "Dayak Festival". Dayak would visit their friends and relatives on this day. Such visit is more commonly known as "ngabang" in the Iban language. Those too far away to visit would receive greeting cards.

It started back in 1957 in a radio forum held by Mr Ian Kingsley, a radio programme organiser. This generated a lot of interest among the Dayak community.

The mode of celebration varies from place to place. Preparation starts early. Tuak (rice wine) is brewed (at least one month before the celebration) and traditional delicacies like penganan (cakes from rice flour, sugar and coconut milk) are prepared. As the big day approaches, everyone will be busy with general cleaning and preparing food and cakes. On Gawai Eve, glutinous rice is steamed inbamboo (ngelulun pulut). In the longhouse, new mats will be laid out on the ruai (an open gallery which runs through the entire length of the longhouse). The walls of most bilik (rooms) and the ruaiare decorated with Pua Kumbu (traditional blankets). A visit to clean the graveyard is also conducted and offerings offered to the dead. After the visit it is important to bathe before entering the longhouse to ward off bad luck.

The celebration starts on the evening of 31 May. In most Iban longhouses, it starts with a ceremony called Muai Antu Rua (to cast away the spirit of greed), signifying the non-interference of the spirit of bad luck in the celebration. Two children or men each dragging a chapan (winnowing basket) will pass each family's room. Every family will throw some unwanted article into the basket. The unwanted articles will be tossed to the ground from the end of the longhouse for the spirit of bad luck.

Around 6 pm or as the sun sets, miring (offering ceremony) will take place. Before the ceremony, gendang rayah (ritual music) is performed. The Feast Chief thanks the gods for the good harvest, and asks for guidance, blessings and long life as he waves a cockerel over the offerings. He then sacrifices the cockerel and a little blood is used together with the offerings.

Once the offering ceremony is done, dinner is then served at the ruai. Just before midnight, a procession up and down the ruai seven times called Ngalu Petara (welcoming the spirit gods) is performed. During this procession, a beauty pageant to choose the festival's queen and king (Kumang & Keling Gawai) is sometimes conducted. Meanwhile, drinks, traditional cakes and delicacies are served.

At midnight, the gong is beaten to call the celebrants to attention. The longhouse Chief (tuai rumah) or Festival Chief will lead everyone to drink the Ai Pengayu (normally tuak for long life) and at the same time wish each other "gayu-guru, gerai-nyamai" (long life, health and prosperity). The celebration now turns merrier and less formal. Some will dance to the traditional music played, others will sing the pantun(poems). In urban areas, Dayaks will organise gatherings at community centres or restaurants to celebrate the evening.

Other activities that may follow the next few days include: cock-fighting matches, and blowpipe and ngajat competitions. On this day, 1 June, homes of the Dayaks are opened to visitors and guests.

Traditionally, when guests arrive at a longhouse, they are given the ai tiki as a welcome. From time to time, guests are served tuak. This would be called nyibur temuai which literally means "watering of guests".

Christian Dayaks normally attend a church mass service to thank God for the good harvest.

Gawai Dayak celebrations may last for several days. It is also during this time of year that many Dayak weddings take place, as it is one of the rare occasions when all the members of the community return home to their ancestral longhouse.

Up till 1962, the British colonial government refused to recognise Dayak Day. Gawai Dayak was formally gazetted on 25 September 1964 as a public holiday in place of Sarawak Day. It was first celebrated on 1 June 1965 and became a symbol of unity, aspiration and hope for the Dayak community. Today, it is an integral part of Dayak social life. It is a thanksgiving day marking good harvest and a time to plan for the new farming season or activities ahead.

Brunor Manser - Warga Asing Pejuang Rakyat Sarawak

Sila Klik Link Ini Untuk Mengetahui Kisah Beliau

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bruno_Manser

Jalan Beluru - Long Lapok, Miri, Sarawak Setelah 47 Tahun Merdeka Bersama Malaya.

Beginilah keadaan jalan kawasan penduduk di Baram, Mana janji Barisan Nasional untuk membaik pulih jalan kami? Adakah ini motto: "Rakyat Didahulukan, Pencapaian Diutamakan". Tak pecaya! tengok gambar ini:

Adakah nasib kami akan terbela oleh Barisan Nasional? Atau janji tinggal janji...

(MDC) Malaysian Dayak Communist or Malaysian Dayak Congress?

Setelah sekian lama golongan dayak menanti kelulusan pendaftaran Malaysian Dayak Congress sebagai sebuah parti yang mewakili mereka daripada Pendaftaran Pertubuhan Malaysia. Mungkinkah simbol ini digunakan oleh kaum dayak suatu hari nanti untuk mempertahankan hak mereka?

Sabah 20 points / Sarawak 18 points agreement.

What is the agreement all about?

The 20-point agreement, or the 20-point memorandum, is an agreement made between the state of Sabah (then North Borneo) with what would be the federal government of Malaysia prior to the formation of Malaysia in September 16, 1963. A similar agreement was made between the state of Sarawak and the federal government but with certain differences in their 18-point agreement

The agreement

Point 1: Religion

While there was no objection to Islam being the national religion of Malaysia there should be no State religion in Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah), and the provisions relating to Islam in the present Constitution of Malaya should not apply to Borneo

Point 2: Language

* a. Malay should be the national language of the Federation

* b. English should continue to be used for a period of 10 years after Malaysia Day

* c. English should be an official language of Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah) for all purposes, State or Federal, without limitation of time.

Point 3: Constitution

Whilst accepting that the present Constitution of the Federation of Malaya should form the basis of the Constitution of Malaysia, the Constitution of Malaysia should be a completely new document drafted and agreed in the light of a free association of states and should not be a series of amendments to a Constitution drafted and agreed by different states in totally different circumstances. A new Constitution for Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah) was of course essential.

Point 4: Head of Federation

The Head of State in Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah) should not be eligible for election as Head of the Federation

Point 5: Name of Federation

“Malaysia” but not “Melayu Raya”

Point 6: Immigration

Control over immigration into any part of Malaysia from outside should rest with the Central Government but entry into Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah) should also require the approval of the State Government. The Federal Government should not be able to veto the entry of persons into Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah) for State Government purposes except on strictly security grounds. Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah) should have unfettered control over the movements of persons other than those in Federal Government employ from other parts of Malaysia Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah).

Point 7: Right of Secession

There should be no right to secede from the Federation

Point 8: Borneanisation

Borneanisation of the public service should proceed as quickly as possible.

Point 9: British Officers

Every effort should be made to encourage British Officers to remain in the public service until their places can be taken by suitably qualified people from Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah)

Point 10: Citizenship

The recommendation in paragraph 148(k) of the Report of the Cobbold Commission should govern the citizenship rights in the Federation of Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah) subject to the following amendments:

* a) sub-paragraph (i) should not contain the proviso as to five years residence

* b) in order to tie up with our law, sub-paragraph (ii)(a) should read “7 out of 10 years” instead of “8 out of 10 years”

* c) sub-paragraph (iii) should not contain any restriction tied to the citizenship of parents – a person born in Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah) after Malaysia must be federal citizen.

Point 11: Tariffs and Finance

Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah) should retain control of its own finance, development and tariff, and should have the right to work up its own taxation and to raise loans on its own credit.

Point 12: Special position of indigenous races

In principle, the indigenous races of Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah) should enjoy special rights analogous to those enjoyed by Malays in Malaya, but the present Malays’ formula in this regard is not necessarily applicable in Borneo(Sarawak & Sabah)

Point 13: State Government

* a) the Prime Minister should be elected by unofficial members of Legislative Council

* b) There should be a proper Ministerial system in Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah)

Point 14: Transitional period

This should be seven years and during such period legislative power must be left with the State of Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah) by the Constitution and not be merely delegated to the State Government by the Federal Government

Point 15: Education

The existing educational system of Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah) should be maintained and for this reason it should be under state control

Point 16: Constitutional safeguards

No amendment modification or withdrawal of any special safeguard granted to Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah) should be made by the Central Government without the positive concurrence of the Government of the State of North Borneo

The power of amending the Constitution of the State of Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah) should belong exclusively to the people in the state. (Note: The United Party, The Democratic Party and the Pasok Momogun Party considered that a three-fourth majority would be required in order to effect any amendment to the Federal and State Constitutions whereas the UNKO and USNO considered a two-thirds majority would be sufficient)

Point 17: Representation in Federal Parliament

This should take account not only of the population of Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah) but also of its seize and potentialities and in any case should not be less than that of Singapore

Point 18: Name of Head of State

Yang di-Pertua Negara

Point 19: Name of State

Sarawak or Sabah

Point 20: Land, Forests, Local Government, etc.

The provisions in the Constitution of the Federation in respect of the powers of the National Land Council should not apply in Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah). Likewise, the National Council for Local Government should not apply in Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah).

DayakBaru To Register as Politcal Entity

(1) Identify the DUN in Sarawak where there are winning chances
(2) Identify the "BEST" chance potential/candidates to stand
(3) Identify the "MAIN ISSUES THAT CAN SELL" in Sarawak(macro level)
(4) Identify the "PECULIAR ISSUES PECULIAR TO THE THE CONSTITUENCIES" (micro)
(5) Do "Strength and Weaknesses" analysis of the proposed candidates to "challenge" BN candidates (similar to what is done in football matches, say both defenders of the opposing teams.
(7) Plan strategies to "win" over the fence-sitters or strategies to "retain" strong supporters/voters to ensure that no "cross-overs" in the last minute becos of RM10, or RM50 or RM100 ....

We are confident that DAP would "lock-horns" with SUPP. Muslim majority BN DUNs would be "tough nuts to crack". Some Dayak-held DUNs could make "in-roads" difficult which are held by "TOP GUNS". Pakan, Layar, Balleh, Katibas, to name a few - put up a candidate, anyway!

The rest are for grabs!
Opposition front MUST ensure the "fight" would be one-to-one.
least 15 DUNs in Dayak majority areas bisi "bepaut pending" come the state election, if we can capitalise on the issues that affects the Dayaks, especially Ibans. No more "CAWAT" thinking among the Dayaks, especially Ibans. DayakBaru shall be the "king-makers"

Lets be serious about it......

By RDB Fan

MALAYSIAN DAYAK CONGRESS

Barisan Nasional takut lambang ini? Pendaftaran Pertubuhan (ROS)  pun takut juga? Sehingga sekarang Malaysian Dayak Congress dihalang pendaftaran oleh ROS sebagai parti politik di Malaysia. Alasan ROS, MDC boleh memberi ancaman kepada negara.

Ibrahim Ali Tidak Akan Menang Di Sarawak.

 

    Lebih Tempik Kurang Senjata

                                                                          
                            VS

   Senjata Lebih Semangat Pemburu Kepala Pun Lebih

                   BUKTINYA

                                                  

    IBRAHIM ALI APA ADA?????

Aban Jau - Hero Kaum Kenyah Sarawak

 

Contoh Gambar Kaum Kenyah Sarawak

Ini buat pengetahuan orang-orang di Malaya, terutama sekali mereka-mereka yang kononnya pakar sejarah Malaysia, dan juga buat mereka-mereka yang terlalu taksub dengan semangat anti-British. Kalau Mat Salleh di Sabah dan Tok Janggut di Malaya adalah hero kemerdekaan Malaysia, maka di sini saya perkenalkan seorang hero dari Sarawak. Nama beliau ialah Aban Jau, kelahiran Kenyah Sebop dari wilayah Tinjar di Bahagian Miri.

Charles Hose and William McDougall dalam buku "The Pagan Tribes of Borneo" ada memberitahu tentang Aban Jau bila mereka cuba bertemu dengan beliau pada tahun 1898:

She is the daughter of the late Aban Jau, who was for many years the most powerful chief of Tinjar Sebops. He had long resisted the advances of the Resident, and had submitted to the Rajah’s government only after a long course of patient persuasion. He had regarded himself as the up-river Rajah, and had never ceased to regret the old state of affairs.

“I am old now,” he told the Resident, “but if I were as salt as I used to be, the Rajah would not have taken possession of the Baram without a struggle.” Another of his many picturesque sayings seems worth recording: “Your Rajah may govern the down-river people; they’re inside the Sultan’s fence and he had the right to hand them over. But over us he had no authority; we are the tigers of the jungle and had never been tamed.” He had frequently threatened to attack the fort (Marudi).