Open letter to the Prime Minister Of Malaysia

1. It was reported that you had recently despatched your officers to investigate the dispute over 3,305 hectares of communal forests between the natives and a logging company which the natives claim to be their native customary rights land, situated between Sungai Sebangan and Sungai Sebuyau in Sarawak.
2. If this report is indeed true, then we are optimistic that only intervention from your goodself would resolve the matter amicably.

3. The situation has deteriorated badly and there is grave concern that it might escalate to violence and lives may be at risk. The latest development can be read here.

4. The logging company in question is Quality Concrete Holdings and one of its directors is Datuk Raziah Mahmud, the sister to the Chief Minister of Sarawak. She is making headlines today on the internet with an expose reporting that she had recently taken a loan of RM880,000 million from RHB Bank to finance a project of which its nature is still unknown.

5. The Iban, who are using their own bodies as the human shield of the blockade, are looking to you, their Prime Minister, to intervene and acknowledge their rights over their communal land.

6. While you’re at it, sir, perhaps you could also instruct your Minister of Natural Resources & Environment to look into the country’s worst ever environmental disaster happening a few miles away in the Rejang river. Perhaps you have not been informed about it as you have been busy with the Budget, but it really is a natural calamity of gigantic proportions which everybody in the Government is trying to sweep under the carpet.

7. YAB Prime Minister, please show us that you really mean what you say when you said you are the Prime Minister for all Malaysians because action speaks louder than words.

Thank you, sir.

PEOPLE FIRST, PERFORMANCE NOW.

Sincerely,

Nising Dani

Taken from – Nising Dani

KAPIT RESOLUTIONS 1962 – DAYAK TREATY FOR MALAYSIA

Written by gkm2020 – For and on behalf of Dayakbaru

General Introduction

I write this article in good faith for kind attention of all Dayak Ibans and other Dayak communities (Dayaklama and/or Dayakbaru) of Sarawak. We, Dayaks (Dayak Iban, Dayak Bidayuh and Dayak Orang Ulu), in Sarawak may not have 20 points like State of Sabah but we extremely have at least 21 points agreement prior to the formation of the “Federation of Malaysia”.

“Kapit Resolution 1962” was the key treaty and/or agreement mooted by the native Ibans with regard to the proposal of the “Federation of Malaysia” via the Malaysia Plan “Aum” 1962.

47 years of independence, Malaysia and/or the Federation of Malaya (promoted by UMNO) had failed to safeguard the natives’ rights and/or privileges and had also failed to accelerate efforts to improve the economics future of the natives in Sarawak.

Our history began here in 1962. The Ibans form the largest single group of the population and by far the largest native group.

Ibans are primarily country people and few take to town life. Although they are to be found throughout the country, nearly 75% of their total number live in the Second and Third Divisions.

Special Privileges for Natives Sarawak

Groups from all natives populations expressed a general desires;

a. The Head of State should be a native of Sarawak.

b. That special privileges should be given to the natives. They were extremely anxious that their position in the new Federation should be analogous to that of the Malays in the present Constitution of the Federation of Malaya.

c. There was a general agreement that economic development should be accelerated and increased attention paid to education, in particular reference to the needs of the natives;

d. That the land, forestry and agriculture should be subjected to be controlled by the State Government. Great emphasis was also laid on the need to safeguard customary rights and practices.

e. Customary land and other native rights should be protected.

General natives’ opinions toward the formation of “The Federation of Malaysia”

On a number of other points there are also some differences in opinions:

a. Some elements favor the arrangement that the Head of State of Sarawak should also be eligible to be the Head of the Federation of Malaysia, while others, a smaller element, favor a popularly elected of the Federation.

b. There were differences in attitude towards the acceptance of Islam as the national religions for Malaysia as a whole, and towards its particular application to Sarawak.

c. There were similar differences in attitude towards Malay as the national language for Malaysia as a whole and towards its application to Sarawak; and also as to official languages for Sarawak

d. There was conflict regarding the Constitutional allocation of the legislative powers between the Federal and the State Governments in the new Federation, to which is related the question of a formula for representation in the new Federal Parliament.

e. The immigration into Sarawak from other territories of the proposed Federation should be under the control of the State authorities. This springs from the fear that, on the establishment of “Malaysia”, the people of Malaya and Singapore in particular would migrate in large numbers to Sarawak to take advantage of the land and opportunities available, to the detriment of the people of Sarawak themselves. Coupled with this general anxiety, there is particular concern about the possible entry of undesirable elements from “outside”

f. There should also be no rapid change in the administrative arrangements affecting the daily life of the people or in such matters as taxation.

g. Rural development should be accelerated as it has been in the Federation of Malaya so that the general standard of living could be raised as soon as possible.

“Aum Kapit” Malaysia Plan 1962

“Aum” in Iban herein referred to as “conference”.

The most important single center of the Ibans is at Kapit in the Third Division. A conference (or “aum”) of 51 elected Chiefs (Pengarahs and Penghulus) had been held there on the 15th February, 1962, to discuss the proposals for a “Federation of Malaysia” set out in the Sarawak Government’s Paper.

KAPIT RESOLUTIONS 1962

The Iban conference @Aum reached their general agreement that the “scheme” should be supported, subject to certain conditions, and their resolutions  when the Cobbold Commission visited Kapit on the 19th March 1962.

The “Kapit Resolutions 1962” were as follows:

1. Head of Sarawak State: The Head of the State of Sarawak to be a native of Sarawak.

Some groups expressed a wish that he should be elected by the people. Some would like him to have the title of Rajah and to be an Iban.

In either case, it was held that he should be eligible, with the Heads of other States in the new Federation, for the post of Head of the Federations. One or two groups asked that, during the initial period, a British Governor should be retained.

2. Head of State of Malaysia: The Head of each State in the Federation of Malaysia to be eligible in due course to be the Head of the Federation of Malaysia.

Some Ibans asked that he should be given the title of President as the title Yang di-Pertuan Agong is Malay, and is not acceptable.

3. Tradition Custom: “Adat Lama” to remain under the control of the Government of the State of Sarawak as it has until to-day.

4. Sarawak Land: Land to be under the control of the State including the existing rights of the natives of Sarawak in such matters as land.

5. National language: There was some difference of opinion. Some groups suggested that there should be no national language; others wanted it to be Iban. Still others were willing to have Malay or Iban.

6. Official Language: English to remain the official language of the State of Sarawak and to continue to be one of the official languages of Malaysia.

There was agreement among groups that English should be retained either indefinitely or for at least fifteen (15) years as the official language, not only in Sarawak but in the new Federation as well. Some groups wished Iban as well as English to be an official language.

7. Religion: Freedom in religious worship

8. Federal Representation: There is to be adequate representation for Sarawak in the Federal Government.

A number of groups asked that this should be worked out on a combined population and areas basis and that, within the number of seats allocated to Sarawak in the House of Representatives, the Ibans should have equal representation with the Malays and the Chinese.

9. Native Employment: British officers to remain until replaced by properly qualified local people. Natives to have a fair share of Government employment.

10. Native Privileges and Status: Sarawak natives to enjoy the same status and privileges as Malays in Malaya.

11. Education: Education to be a Federal subject and to be equalized throughout Malaysia as soon as possible. Sarawak natives to have a fair share of overseas scholarships.

12. Medium of instruction in schools: English should be retained as the medium of instruction, but Iban should be taught as a subject.

13. Immigration: Immigration to remain under the control of the State of Sarawak.

14. State Powers: Powers reserved in the Constitution to a State may not be changed without the agreement of the State.

15. Development: Development in Sarawak to be accelerated.

16. Religion: Much emphasis was placed on the need for freedom of religion as there is at present, i.e., freedom to profess, practice and propagate any religion.

There was a general feeling that Sarawak should be a secular State and the suggestion was made that if Muslims were given assistance from Federal funds, other religions – Christianity was specially mentioned – should enjoy similar treatment.

17. Name of the new Federation: There was dislike of the name “MALAYSIA” and hope that some other name could be devised. Many alternatives were suggested.

18. Armed Forces: The Ibans are anxious to have a fair chance of service in the Federation’s armed forces.

19. Sarawak State: A number of groups wanted to be sure that they could have a separate Sarawak State flag – some mentioned the old Rajah’s flag – a State anthem and a National Day.

20. Self-Government: The Ibans had been looking forward to the self-government which had been promised to them, and the principal reason why they were ready, on conditions, to accept the Malaysia proposals, despite their uncertainties, was because they were confident that the British Government would not recommend the scheme if it was not going to be beneficial to them.

21.  Equal rights: Ibans wanted to be treated by the Malays as brothers, but not as the younger brothers. They were opposed to the idea that Sarawak should be treated as only one of 15 States in a Federation of Malaysia; they maintained that this would give her too small a voice in the new Federation’s affairs.

The 51 Chiefs at the conference together were said to represent some 112,000 Ibans out of a total population of nearly 238,000 and many delegations of Ibans who came before the Cobbold Commission teams at different centers in the Third Division confirmed that they supported the “Kapit Resolutions 1962”.

In a small number of cases a demand was made that they should either be accepted without alteration or that any changes should be made only after there had been opportunity for further discussion with the Iban people.

While the great majority of the Ibans in the Third Division who were in favor of the Malaysia plan took their stand on the “Kapit Resolutions 1962”, there were some groups who gave their full support to the “scheme” on the basis of the recommendations in the report of the Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Committee (MSCC).

Notes: The Sarawak MSCC Delegations in Singapore were represented by (3rd February 1962):

• Yeo Cheng Hoe – Leader
• Ong Kee Hui – Member
• Temenggong Jugah Ak Barieng – Member
• Pengarah Montegrai Ak Tugang – Member
• Dato Abang Haji Openg – Member
• Ling Beng Siew – Member
• James Wong – Member
• Remigius Durin Ak Nganau – Member

Other Desirable Provisions

Some felt that this was a desirable provision in a new venture about which they felt some doubts. Others suggested that it should apply only in certain circumstances such as:

a. A change of regime in Kuala Lumpur.

b. A change in the Federal Constitution which had not been accepted by Sarawak.

One group from the Baram River hotly opposed the creation of a Federation of Malaysia but recognized that the decision might go against them.

They insisted that, if this was so, certain conditions should be met. These were much the same as those set out in the “Kapit Resolutions 1962”, but went further in some respects and the group was not prepared to discuss any modification of them.

Right to withdraw from the new Federation

There was fear too that a large proportion of Sarawak’s revenue would be handed over to the Federal Government without a corresponding return in the shape of services to the people of Sarawak.

The question of the right to withdraw from the new Federation was raised with Sarawak MCSS at Kapit and elsewhere.

In certain circumstances there should be such a right at least for a period of five (5) years, and that this should be specifically stated in the Federal Constitution.

Conclusion

The Second Division Ibans were not represented at the “Aum Kapit” but most of the many groups supported the idea of Malaysia, though they asked for safeguards.

In many places, more especially in the more remote areas and in areas where the Ibans form a proportionately smaller section of the population, a feeling of general uncertainty was apparent.

The Ibans and others who had given the matter careful thought, that the “Kapit Resolutions 1962” had to be considered against a background of implicit trust in the British Government.

Political activity had been stimulated to an alarming degree by the “Malaysia” proposals and many Ibans were afraid that there might be violence not only between different races but between Ibans who supported the “Malaysia Plan” and those who opposed it.

Finally, the view was expressed by the Ibans in many centers that it was of great importance that a decision on Malaysia should be reached as soon as possible.

So, where are Ibans and other native Dayaks today? What is your general status?

If you failed to vote your rights, you failed to protect and/or defend your “Special Privileges”

AGI IDUP – AGI NGELABAN – CHANGE WE MUST…..Hoo…Haa…!!
From : http://dayakbaru.com/weblog08/2010/10/13/kapit-resolutions-1962-dayak-treaty-for-malaysia/

Revolusi Rusia tahun 1917

Tahun ini ialah ulangtahun ke-93 bagi salah satu peristiwa abad ke-20 yang paling penting dan paling mengharukan. Tetapi anda tidak akan menyedarinya dari mana-mana suratkhabar atau rancangan television. Revolusi di Rusia pada tahun 1917 adalah peristiwa yang dibenci oleh mereka yang mempertahankan sistem yang kita menghadapi setiap hari. Ini adalah kerana rakyat jelata telah mengambil kehidupan mereka ke dalam tangan sendiri.

Ahli-ahli sejarah yang membenci peristiwa ini mendakwa bahawa ia merupakan konspirasi oleh sebuah kumpulan kecil yang dikenali sebagai pihak Bolshevik. Tidak terdapat apa-apa yang lebih jauh dari kebenaran. Krisis sosial yang wujud pada masa itu bermakna bahawa rakyat tidak dapat berterusan dalam keadaan melarat seperti itu. Orang yang beberapa tahun sebelum itu mungkin tidak menghiraukan seseorang yang menjual suratkhabar Bolshevik kini menyedari sesuatu yang berbeza.

Untuk memenuhi tuntutan-tuntutan asas rakyat – makanan bagi para pekerja di bandar, pemberian tanah kepada kaum petani, pengakhiran serta-merta kepada peperangan – sudah pasti akan berlakunya revolusi. 

Bulan-bulan pergolakan yang bertumbuh telah meletus pada pagi 7hb November (25hb Oktober pada kalendar lama). Kumpulan-kumpulan pekerja, kadang-kala diiringi oleh askar-askar yang menyokong revolusi, telah menduduki stesen-stesen keretapi, stesen-stesen penjana kuasa, gudang-gudang senjata, bank-bank, pusat-pusat telefon dan kilang-kilang pencetak di seluruh Petrograd. Malah mereka di barisan hadapan yang mempertahankan sistem lama telah diubah oleh pergolakan popular.

Seorang wartawan Amerika Syarikat, Albert Rhys Williams, telah menghuraikan reaksi pihak askar yang bertanggungjawab untuk menghalang apa-apa pemberontakan. Mereka dikenali sebagai Pengawal Putih. “Mereka membuang topi, tali pinggang dan pedang. Tanda-tanda kehormatan kini menjadi tanda-tanda kemaluan dan kematian,” katanya Williams. “Seorang pegawai tentera yang menjumpai blaus di tempat menjemur baju menjadi sangat gembira. Seorang kapten yang menjumpai apron pemasak memakainya, menyelimuti tangannya dengan tepung dan, sudah putih dengan ketakutan, menjadi Pengawal Putih yang paling putih di seluruh Rusia.”

Satu-satunya tempat yang tidak tumbang kepada revolusi merupakan Istana Musim Sejuk, iaitu tempat tinggal bekas pemerintah Tsar. Ia kekal sehingga akhir hari. Rakyat terpaksa mengancamnya dengan meriam sebelum ia juga menyerah diri. Pertempuran yang lebih lama telah berlaku di Moskow, tetapi seluruh negara berada dalam tangan pihak revolusioner tidak lama selepas itu.

Pada hari selepas kebangkitan Petrograd, seorang revolusioner bernama Vladimir Lenin telah berucap kepada kongres wakil-wakil dari majlis-majlis pekerja yang telah diasaskan di seluruh Rusia. Ia dinamakan soviet-soviet. Wartawan Amerika Syarikat bernama John Reed telah menggambarkan “ombak sorakan” yang mengalu-alukan pemimpin ini “yang berpakaian baju tidak kemas, seluarnya terlalu panjang baginya. Tidak hebat untuk menjadi pujaan pergolakan, tetapi disayangi dan disanjung seperti hanya beberapa pemimpin dalam sejarah.”

Berita mengenai revolusi itu telah menyebar dengan pantas. Tidak terdapatnya television untuk menyampaikan gambar-gambar kuasa pekerja. Media massa dunia telah menciptakan penipuan dan pemesongan, dengan pengecualian beberapa wartawan yang ikhlas dan berani seperti John Reed. Tetapi mesej tersebut telah disampaikan.

Harry McShane, seorang pekerja kejuruteraan militan di Glasglow, mengingati:

Apabila Lenin menuntut “segala kuasa kepada soviet-soviet,” ia bermakna bahawa mereka telah menjumpai sistem pentadbiran sendiri oleh kelas pekerja melalui mana susunan lama telah dihapuskan. Kami bermula menyedari apa yang dimaksudkan oleh revolusi. Kami dahulunya hanya mengenali pemberontakan kelas pekerja. Kini kami membincangkan kuasa kelas pekerja.

Pada permulaan tahun 1917, Rusia telah berperang selamsa dua setengah tahun. Kerajaan Tsar yang korupse dan tidak cekap tidak lagi dapat menangani tekanan bertempur menentang negara-negara yang lebih maju dari segi ekonomi. Pihak askar telah berputus asas, penduduk awam menjadi lapar dan marah. Perubahan meluas tidak dapat dielakkan.

Pada bulan Februari, siri permogokan telah meletus. Pada tahap ini, para pekerja biasa jauh lebih teratur daripada pihak revolusioner. Sekumpulan pekerja perempuan di kilang penenunan telah bermogok di Petrograd, walaupun majlis Bolshevik tempatan telah menasihatkan mereka agar jangan bertindak sedemikian. Leon Trotsky, seorang revolusioner utama, telah menotakan bahawa kaum perempuan itu lebih berani daripada kaum lelaki.

Sambil permogokan-permogokan itu berubah menjadi kebangkitan popular, Tsar telah melarikan diri. Sebuah Kerajaan Peralihan baru telah diasaskan, dan percaya bahawa penyelesaian kepada masalah-masalah Rusia merupakan demokrasi parlimen jenis Barat. Tetapi para pekerja sedar bahawa perdebatan-perdebatan parlimen tidak akan memenuhi perut mereka dengan roti. Mereka telah mengasaskan soviet-soviet – iaitu majlis-majlis yang terdiri daripada wakil-wakil pekerja. Di kilang-kilang besar, majlis-majlis pekerja tersebut telah mencabar kuasa pihak pengurus.

Secara umumnya, kini terdapat dua kerajaan. Satu mendakwa bahawa ia mentadbir negera melalui cara-cara pentadbiran lama, sambil yang satu lagi telah menunjukkan kawalan ke atas tempat-tempat bekerja dan jalan raya. Keadaan ini merupakan keadaan yang dirujuk kepada oleh pihak Marxsis sebagai ‘dwi-kuasa.’

Setelah membina satu revolusi, para pekerja tidak menjangka bahawa mereka terpaksa membina revolusi baru. Pada mulanya, mereka telah beralih kepada parti-parti sosialis sederhana, yang berjanji untuk meletak tekanan pada bahu Kerajaan Peralihan. Tetapi pemerintah-pemerintah baru tidak dapat memenuhi tuntutan-tuntutan asas rakyat. Seluruh struktur masyarakat terus mereput.

Pada tahun itu, sekurang-kurangnya dua juta orang askar telah meninggalkan tentera. Seluruh unit askar telah meletakkan senjata, menyerang keretapi, menaiki bumbung keretapi dan membuang air kecil ke dalam bahagian-bahagian keretapi yang digunakan oleh golongan kaya. Mereka telah membawa semangat revolusioner baru kembali ke kawasan desa. Rumah-rumah pihak pemilik tanah diserang dan dihancurkan.

Persoalannya adalah: siapakah yang mentadbir masyarakat? Ia merupakan pertempuran yang semakin bertumbuh di antara pihak pemilik tanah lama serta pemilik-pemilik kilang, dengan kuasa-kuasa kerajaan di sebalik mereka, menentang golongan pekerja yang marah. Di beberapa kilang, para pekerja telah membuang pengurus kilang ke dalam kereta sorong dan membuangnya di luar pagar kilang. Apabila pegawai-pegawai tentera sayap kanan mencuba merampas kuasa, para pekerja telah berjuang. Pihak pekerja keretapi telah mengalihkan keretapi-keretapi yang membawa pegawai-pegawai itu dan membantu merosakkan percubaan rampasan kuasa.

Terdapatnya tiga parti sosialis utama pada masa itu. Yang paling militan daripada mereka, iaitu Parti Bolshevik, telah bangkit sebagai parti yang berkuasa. Pada permulaan tahun itu, ia mempunyai lebih kurang 4,000 ahli – menjelang akhir tahun itu, mungkin 250,000 ahli. Tidak sesiapa yang mengetahui jumlah sebenar. Ahli-ahli parti itu mempunyai urusan yang lebih penting daripada menyimpan senarai keahlian! Di satu bandar, parti itu telah bertumbuh dari sepuluh ahli menjadi 5,000. Menjelang bulan Julai, pihak Bolshevik telah mengeluarkan 41 suratkhabar dan jurnal. Namun, mereka masih ditindas, dengan pemenjaraan dan penahanan ahli-ahli utama. Tidak terdapatnya kerisauan bahawa orang telah menjadi ahli parti tersebut untuk melanjutkan kerjaya mereka.

Pihak Bolshevik bukanlah sebuah kumpulan rapat yang melompat apabila Lenin mengarah mereka untuk melompat. Lenin terpaksa berjuang untuk meyakinkan kepimpinan parti tersebut, iaiti majlis pusat, bahawa ia bukanlah mustahil untuk bersedia demi pengambilan kuasa. Ini bukanlah perbincangan-perbincangan sulit. Di jalan-jalan raya, para pekerja sedang membaca risalah Lenin bertajuk Dapatkah Pihak Bolshevik Merampas Kuasa Kerajaan?

Lenin bukanlah seorang diktator zalim. Dia juga telah membuat kesilapan dan terpaksa dibetulkan oleh komrad-komradnya. Pada mulanya, dia ingin memanggil pemberontakan dengan nama parti. Ia sudah pasti menjadi kesilapan besar, kerana ramai pekerja dan askar belum lagi memberikan sokongan kepada pihak Bolshevik. Trotsky telah meyakinkan Lenin bahawa kebangkitan itu patut dipanggil dengan nama soviet-soviet, yang mewakili aliran-aliran berbeza dalam gerakan pekerja.

Pihak Bolshevik bersedia untuk bekerjasama dengan kumpulan-kumpulan politik lain yang berkongsi matlamat-matlamat utama mereka. Terdapatnya empat orang anarkis pada Majlis Revolusioner Ketenteraan yang mengaturkan pemberontakan di Petrograd. Tetapi apabila Kerajaan Peralihan membuat rancangan pada bulan Oktober untuk mencuba menghapuskan ancaman yang dihadapkan oleh gerakan revolusioner, nilai sebuah parti berpusat yang dapat bertindak dengan cepat dan mengatur tindakan telah menjadi jelas.

Kerajaan Peralihan telah timbang dalam masa beberapa jam. Pemimpinnya, iaitu Kerensky, telah melarikan diri. Pada awal tahun 1960-an, dia seringkali dilihat di tempat minuman Kesatuan Universiti Oxford, merungut mengenai kehidupannya yang dibazirkan.

Revolusi tersebut merupakan inspirasi kepada para pekerja di seluruh dunia. Kuasa-kuasa Barat telah membawa pengakhiran kepada Perang Dunia Pertama dengan laju agar mereka dapat menyerang musuh bersama, iaitu Rusia. Lebih satu dozen tentera asing telah menyerang Rusia dan bekerjasama dengan pihak reaksioner di Rusia dalam perang saudara.

Jerman, sebuah kuasa perindustrian utama pada masa itu, kelihatan seperti sedia untuk revolusi di antara tahun 1919 dan 1923. Tetapi Parti Komunis, yang didirikan selepas revolusi di Rusia, kekurangan pengalaman, kemahiran politik dan keyakinan seperti pihak Bolshevik. Revolusi di Jerman telah gagal.

Akhirnya, seorang pemimpin Bolshevik yang hanya memainkan peranan kecil pada tahun 1917, iaitu Stalin, telah bangkit ke puncah parti itu. Dia telah menghantar kebanyakan bekas komrad-nya untuk dibunuh, dan telah mendirikan sebuah rejim zalim lagi korupse yang telah mengheret nama komunisme ke dalam lumpur.

Tetapi bagi mereka yang terus berjuang demi kuasa pekerja dan sosialisme sejati, Oktober 1917 kekal sebagai contoh revolusi. Walau betapa pendeknya kejayaan tersebut, ia merupakan contoh berjuta-juta pekerja biasa mengambil kehidupan mereka ke dalam tangan sendiri.

Sabah & Sarawak SaSa Superblog - Together we amplify our voices: Sarawak Blog: Sasa Superblog List

Sabah & Sarawak SaSa Superblog - Together we amplify our voices: Sarawak Blog: Sasa Superblog List